Monday, May. 27, 1996

DON'T FORGET THE BENEFITS

By WARREN CHRISTOPHER

For 50 years America marshaled the forces of freedom with the hope that someday the Russian people could gain a chance to determine their future by choosing their leaders. Now they are about to vote in the first presidential election in Russia's history as an independent country. Far from fearing the result, we should have confidence that in the long run democracy in Russia can only benefit America and the world.

Whichever candidate wins in June, our task will be the same: to keep America safe, and to consolidate the gains for peace and freedom made possible by the cold war's end. That is what President Clinton has sought to do with bipartisan support since 1993. As a result, every American is more secure. Consider the facts:

Thousands of nuclear warheads, built to destroy America, have themselves been destroyed. Those that remain in Russia no longer target our homes. Three of the four nuclear states that succeeded the Soviet Union have abandoned nuclear weapons. We are working with the Yeltsin government and Russia's neighbors to keep nuclear materials from terrorists and rogue states, and to realize President Kennedy's dream of a total ban on nuclear testing. The space race has been eclipsed by our joint construction of an international space station.

Twelve new states have replaced the Soviet empire, including an independent Ukraine that is building a strong partnership with the U.S. and Europe. Russian troops no longer occupy either Central Europe or, thanks to President Clinton's personal diplomacy, the Baltic states. Instead, they are serving alongside us to bring peace to Bosnia. While we do not always agree with Russian policies, today not every difference is a crisis. We can manage the issues between us constructively without the threat of nuclear confrontation.

After three years of intensive involvement with the Russians, I am convinced that the safer world we are building is more likely to endure if market democracy sinks deeper roots in Russian soil. We should not lose sight of the progress already made: Russians are now empowered by the ballot and by free enterprise, informed by an independent press and no longer cut off from the world by minefields and barbed wire. Over half their economy is in private hands, guided increasingly by the laws of the market and the will of the consumer. The longer this process continues, the harder it will be for any Russian leader to restore totalitarian rule.

Of course, these changes have not come easily, and reform is under great strain. Most Russians have felt the pain of economic dislocation, rampant crime and corruption. Many have been disillusioned by a lack of accountability in government and by the brutal war in Chechnya.

Whatever government emerges from the coming elections, it will face the same circumstances: an economy that can prosper only if market reforms continue, if business is free to compete and if borders are open to trade; a war in Chechnya that can only be resolved politically; and an international community that wants Russia to be fully integrated--as long as it respects international norms. The proposals of Russia's Communists, among others, are a serious cause for concern. But the true test for us will be how Russia's next government actually responds to these challenges.

Policies, not personalities, will remain at the heart of our relationship with Russia. We have a shared interest in improving the security of nuclear arsenals and reactors, implementing arms-control agreements and preventing nuclear proliferation. We have a clear stake in working with Russia for peace in the former Yugoslavia. Together, we should continue to protect the environment and fight organized crime and terrorism.

Another central issue for the U.S. will be Russia's relationship with its neighbors. In 1991 millions of Ukrainians, Estonians, Armenians, Kazakhs and others chose independence, and we will support their right and determination to keep it.

We will also continue our efforts to build a stable, undivided Europe. NATO's Partnership for Peace, which Russia has joined, has begun to unite the continent. NATO's steady, gradual enlargement will continue. We will also encourage a strong partnership between Russia and NATO, building on our cooperation in Bosnia. The door to European integration is open to Russia; it must choose not to isolate itself.

Finally, we will continue to make clear our support for a strong and permanent democratic process in Russia--for free elections, a free press and the rule of law. President Yeltsin was right to reject calls to postpone the presidential elections, for that would undermine democracy without solving any of Russia's fundamental problems. We will also support imf and American assistance to Russia's economy, as long as Russia remains committed to market reform.

As Secretary of State, my responsibility is to stay focused on the long haul. Some people would choose this critical moment to pronounce defeat for freedom in Russia and declare a new cold war. But as long as a better future is feasible, we should not walk away from an unprecedented opportunity to build a constructive relationship with Russia.

From the start, we have had no illusions that Russia could become overnight a fully democratic, stable and prosperous nation or that success is ultimately assured. But that uncertainty is an argument for steadiness--in a policy that has already strengthened America's security and that deserves continued bipartisan support.

Warren Christopher is the U.S. Secretary of State.