HEADING FOR THE SUMMIT

By JAMES R. GAINES, KARSTEN PRAGER, John Kohan

Boris Yeltsin seemed almost buoyant. He was not quite the man who hopped on a tank to denounce the would-be coupmakers of August 1991, but, reinvigorated by a Black Sea vacation, he still delivered a bone-crushing handshake that belied-as perhaps it was meant to-the persistent rumors of his declining health and drinking problems.

On the eve of both Russia's celebration of the 50th anniversary of V-E day and the latest superpower summit with Bill Clinton, Yeltsin came with a great deal to say, as well he might. He had just declared a holiday cease-fire-rejected by the rebels-in Russia's war with the breakaway region of Chechnya. At home his political popularity is at an all-time low-thanks to the continuing economic crisis and a growing crime rate-and powerful forces are mobilizing that could threaten Yeltsin's prospects for the presidential election next year. Beyond all that, there are the issues standing between him and a successful summit with the U.S.-especially the expansion of nato into Eastern Europe and Russia's plans to sell nuclear reactors to Iran.

In an interview with TIME managing editor James R. Gaines, managing editor of TIME International Karsten Prager and Moscow bureau chief John Kohan, the Russian President ranged across all those issues and more. He and Clinton are getting "closer" to resolving their NATO differences, Yeltsin reported. His most apparent wish was to send a clear signal to Washington that he has high hopes for a summit meeting that many have already written off as nothing more than a polite exchange of views between leaders who are both under pressure from domestic political opponents.

TIME: What are your thoughts on the 50th anniversary of World War II's end?

Yeltsin: You know, 27 million people in our country perished during the war. We have published a series called The Remembrance Book. The volume for the Sverdlovsk area, where I was born and where my relatives lived, lists the names of all those who perished from that region during the war. There are seven Yeltsins, six of them were my relatives. So when we hold the traditional minute of silence on Victory Day, I will think, first of all, of Russia. But I will think also of what Bill Clinton and I should be doing together, of how I can better advance our policies and reforms to make life better for our people. I will think of what needs to be done to put an end to nuclear testing and how we should declare an eternal moratorium on the use of nuclear arms.

TIME: In your telephone conversation with Bill Clinton yesterday, was there any progress on the problems of nato expansion and the Russian sale of nuclear reactors to Iran?

Yeltsin: We didn't talk about the Iran issue, but we had a lengthy discussion about nato. We are moving closer to finding a solution that could be acceptable to both sides, but this decision should be taken during our personal meeting. This is what we agreed. Some people are now trying to drive a wedge between Russia and the U.S., but this will not work. Both President Clinton and I are firm on this.

TIME: Who is driving this wedge?

Yeltsin: You have certain political leaders in your country, and we have them too. To be quite frank, when the Democrats lost the elections, it made life more difficult for President Clinton, since the Republicans sometimes raise certain issues to irritate him. I always support his positions.

TIME: How are relations between the superpowers 50 years after the war?

Yeltsin: The very fact that the President is coming for the 50th anniversary of our common victory is eloquent proof of the profound changes that have taken place in Russian-American relations in a relatively short time. The main point is that the partnership between Russia and the U.S. is becoming a living reality. It is perhaps most active in the sphere of international security. Having done away with confrontation, we have given our people a chance to live for the first time without fear of the threat of a nuclear war.

We have managed to agree on issues that would have seemed unthinkable only yesterday. Our nuclear weapons are no longer targeted at each other. We are reducing profoundly our nuclear arsenals. The logic of confrontation and the psychology of hostility and distrust have been banished from our relations. This partnership has enabled us to bring about real changes in the solution of the most complex international issues such as the Middle East, Angola and Cambodia.

Both in Russia and in the U.S., our partnership is just developing as something in our national interest. Both Russian and American politicians should resist the temptation to find an "easy" solution and retreat into isolationism. I know a neo-isolationist mood is strong in the U.S., based on the assumption that it is easier and also more profitable for America to resolve world problems singlehandedly. We also have a similar political tendency-"ultrapatriotism." Therefore, our common task is to lead the Russian-American partnership beyond internal political struggles. This is particularly true during election campaigns both here and in America.

I believe Russia and the U.S. are united in their effort to make Europe a truly unified, peaceful and democratic community of peoples. We disagree about the ways of achieving this aim. I proceed from the fact that the end of the age of bloc confrontation has made redundant the old logic of a military-political rivalry, where opposing nations did their best to fill a geopolitical "vacuum" and divided whole continents into zones of influence. This is particularly true of Europe. We do not think the real problems of European security can be resolved by expanding nato to the East. Such a step would lead not only to the creation of a new dividing line on the map of Europe; it would also carve a deep scar in people's minds. The creation of a model of mutual and comprehensive security should become our common aim in Europe. The dialogue on such a model has already begun in the Organization on Cooperation and Security in Europe. I think diplomats should focus their efforts on this, rather than discussing terms for the expansion of nato.

TIME: Why was it necessary to launch the war on Chechnya? Has the conflict indeed strengthened the Russian state?

Yeltsin: Chechnya is a part of the Russian Federation, and what happens in Chechnya happens on the territory of a single state -- the Russian Federation. You might recall that in 1787 the population of Wyoming Valley sought to secede from Pennsylvania and form its own state. The executive council answered that challenge with orders to a unit of the state's militia to arrest their leader. We found ourselves in a similar situation under different circumstances in different times. [Chechen rebel leader Jokhar] Dudayev had launched an armed rebellion with the goal of destroying the integrity of the Russian Federation. Hence coercion by the state was used.

TIME: You have declared a V-E holiday moratorium in Chechnya, but the other side has said they will fight on. How will you find an end to this bloody and costly conflict?

Yeltsin: You should not forget that the Chechen people also fought during World War II. Almost every family has someone who was killed. So Victory Day is still a holiday for them, although perhaps they are celebrating with tears in their eyes. If certain bandits choose to break our agreement, we'll manage to deal with them. The current situation is much better. It has calmed down, and we are witnessing a renewal in the area. Buildings and communication lines are being restored, trade is resuming, and administrative bodies are functioning. We have a Chechen government, assisted by the federal government, so the time is not far away when we will finally have peace and tranquillity in the area.

TIME: Is there any danger that Russia might slide back into authoritarianism?

Yeltsin: Theoretically, such a danger exists. We are only beginning to build our new democratic state and new economy. Given our history, these are extremely hard tasks, and we are forced to pursue both goals at the same time. We do not have any other options. A strong civic society, a middle class and a culture of law are basic conditions for a stable democracy in any country. But these preconditions are only taking shape in Russia. For these reasons, the danger of an authoritarian regime will exist here for some time yet. Two scenarios for sliding into authoritarianism are possible. The first one would come about from the degeneration of the present regime. The second would be a takeover by forces who stand for a communist revenge or for aggressive nationalism.

I believe we can and must avoid this authoritarian alternative. Russia is not the country it once was. Our free press is a safeguard for democracy. Let me assure you, it does not let us rest. More and more Russians are involved outside the state-run sector and have experienced the advantages of such employment. Public opinion is changing too. Polls show that even those voters who favor strong state power and law and order mostly oppose giving up our democratic achievements and values. Having said that, I would be bold enough to say the line that continues and develops democratic and economic reforms in Russia will prevail in both parliamentary and presidential elections, no matter what political forces or persons personify this line.

TIME: We hear that new election blocs are being formed by Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin and Chairman of the State Duma Ivan Rybkin. We wonder how you feel about that.

Yeltsin: This idea emerged because we have more than 50 parties in Russia. As we move toward the election campaign, they have started fighting for voters, creating such a political hullabaloo that it is difficult to sort things out. As a result, sometimes those who are not the right people get into the State Duma. Therefore, we decided to cut off both the left and the right wings of the extremist movement and create two centrist blocs, because as you understand, one centrist bloc would be too big. This would be a model of the bipartisan system you have had for the past 200 years, resulting in a civilized state based on civilized principles. It will be a powerful force that will stop any petty politicians from entering the Duma.

TIME: Are you bothered by the drop in your public ratings? Yeltsin: To be honest, I am much more concerned about other things-the continuing drop in the standard of living of Russians, the decline of several major industries, the situation in Chechnya, crime and so on. I wasn't elected President to ensure myself a high rating. Everyone will like you if you do nothing or take wait-and-see positions, transferring the responsibility to others. I'm not like this. In carrying out these kinds of reforms, you have to resort to unpopular measures. So the choice is either to boost your popularity rating or get things done.

TIME: Are you going to run in the 1996 presidential elections?

Yeltsin: Of course I have thought about it -- and began to think about it a while ago. But I think it would be premature now for me to announce my decision.

TIME: Can you foresee any circumstances that might lead you to postpone or cancel the 1996 elections?

Yeltsin: Discussions have been going on about postponing or canceling the elections. Some say we need to ensure stability in this period of change. On the other hand, the opposition wants to destabilize the situation and cause people to distrust the government and is spreading rumors that the authorities intend to disrupt the elections. In my message to the Federation Council this year, I particularly emphasized the importance of holding elections at the times set by the Constitution. The executive branch will do everything to ensure this.

TIME: What would you say to those people in the West who are concerned about your health?

Yeltsin: First, I would like to thank them for their concern, and secondly, I'd like to say they have nothing to be worried about. Recently I underwent a complete medical checkup. The results were made known to the Russian press. The specialists did not uncover any noticeable deviations from the norm. There are fluctuations, of course, in my blood pressure, but the doctors and I are watching this. In general, I feel fine.

TIME: At this special moment, what would you like to say about U.S.-Russian relations?

Yeltsin: We fought together during this hard and difficult war and this is our common victory. You had people who lost their lives during the war, and we had people who lost their lives. So I would like to tell the citizens of the U.S. that we should take steps to prevent any revival of the cold war. We would like to sign a moratorium on nuclear arms testing, ratify start ii, and sign START III, practically eliminating all the nuclear weapons of the nuclear powers. We would also like to develop our economic relations on an equal footing. In fact, I hope our friendship will bring each American family benefits as well as the Russian people, so they can live better lives. This is what I wish for Victory Day, when we will bow our heads in memory of those who lost their lives during the war. I also want to express our gratitude on behalf of the Russian people for those U.S. citizens who lost their lives during the war. I hope this will never happen again, and we can joyfully celebrate the victory we won together.