America Abroad

By Strobe Talbott

The debacle in Panama is a reminder that the U.S., to its everlasting credit but also to its occasional grief, was never cut out for imperialism. Even the vestige of such an adventure at the beginning of the 20th century is enough to complicate American domestic politics and foreign policy alike at the end of the century. Teddy Roosevelt not only dug the big ditch but helped carve out the little nation around it by supporting secessionists in a malaria-ridden province of Colombia. But no good deed in the pursuit of empire goes unpunished. The legacy that T.R. left his successors has turned increasingly from a strategic and commercial boon to a political curse. The spectacle of Panamanians tearing down U.S. flags marred the last days of Dwight Eisenhower's term and the first of Lyndon Johnson's.

Jimmy Carter wisely signed a treaty that provides for Panamanian sovereignty over the canal in 1999. He went a long way toward defusing the anti- Americanism that has been an obstacle to U.S. policy in Latin America. But he paid a heavy price at home. The "giveaway" increased Carter's vulnerability on the right and softened him up for his eventual defeat in 1980. Last year's feckless attempt to oust Manuel Antonio Noriega turned into one of the fiascoes of the Reagan Administration.

Now it is George Bush's turn. So far, he has made the best of a bad situation. After Noriega stole the Panamanian election, Bush consulted regional leaders and downplayed the threat of military intervention. The result has been the isolation of Noriega and the reassurance of other Latin Americans about U.S. methods and intentions. Last week the Organization of American States passed a resolution holding Noriega responsible for "abuses" and called on him to surrender power.

But precisely those features of his Panama policy that have served Bush well make a mockery of a prominent theme in his presidential campaign. As a candidate, Bush lambasted Michael Dukakis for advocating the sort of military restraint and multilateral diplomacy on which Bush has relied as President.

In a speech to the American Legion on Sept. 7, Bush quoted Teddy Roosevelt on how "sentimentality" is out of place when vital national interests are at stake. He cited the 1983 invasion of Grenada and the 1986 bombing raid on Libya as models of the way the U.S. should protect itself against enemies who are doing Moscow's dirty work. At numerous rallies Bush suggested that Dukakis would be like Carter, whom he accused of having presided over "America's retreat in this hemisphere and around the world" -- an echo of the canal sellout charge.

Yet when Bush found himself in his first foreign policy crisis, the threat had nothing to do with the Soviet Union or its minions. The Monroe Doctrine, which proclaims the U.S.'s determination to keep the real imperialists from Europe out of the Western hemisphere, is irrelevant. Noriega is Uncle Sam's creature as well as his nemesis. Some Administration officials made a brief, silly attempt last week to blame the Kremlin for exploiting the trouble. Their only evidence: TASS, standing the story on its head, reported out of Panama that Noriega's opponents had cheated at the polls and fomented violence. Hardly anyone would have noticed the ludicrous dispatch if the Administration hadn't publicized it.

As a final ironic twist, one of the President's most effective allies in the whole affair has been Jimmy Carter, and now it is the Noriega regime that evokes Teddy Roosevelt's memory to stir up fears that the Yanquis are coming. The Panamanian curse has yet to be lifted, both from the U.S. and from Panama itself.