The President's New Men

By WALTER SHAPIRO

In simpler times Franklin Roosevelt was fond of the notion of a White House staff with a "passion for anonymity." But in the postwar era the President's palace guard has wielded far too much power to remain shrouded in obscurity. The character and competence of an Administration is often shaped by those who command offices in the West Wing of the White House. Such has been particularly the case with Ronald Reagan. In his first term, the fractious troika of James Baker, Edwin Meese and Michael Deaver exposed the often passive President to a wide diversity of opinion. In contrast, the ill-fated monolithic regime of Chief of Staff Donald Regan demonstrated that Reagan is far better served by a disparate team than a surrogate Prime Minister.

Now Chief of Staff Howard Baker has recruited a new cast of presidential lieutenants, with the final key players falling into place late last week. The Baker team at first blush seems a shrewd mixture of Capitol Hill veterans, longtime personal aides and alumni of Reagan's first term who collectively cover the ideological spectrum from pragmatism to hard-right conservatism. In short, Baker has done his best to recreate the catalytic chemistry of the original troika.

The most important element is Kenneth Duberstein, 42, a chain-smoking Brooklyn-born political operative who will call signals as the deputy chief of staff. Duberstein handled congressional relations for Reagan in the first term, and alone among Baker's assistants he retains close ties to the President's Old Guard, especially Deaver and longtime Political Adviser Stuart Spencer. Joining Duberstein will be Thomas Griscom, 37, who served as Baker's garrulous press secretary and alter ego on Capitol Hill. Griscom delayed returning to a lucrative public-relations job to assist his former boss during the transition period, and has apparently been persuaded to stay on in a position still to be determined, probably as a mixture of communications director and Baker strategist.

T. Kenneth Cribb will be the primary custodian of the conservative flame as White House director of domestic affairs. A close adviser to Meese for seven years, both in the White House and at the Justice Department, Cribb, 38, has a reputation as a tough ideological infighter with a hair-trigger temper. Conservative Columnist William Buckley recently lauded him as an "arrestingly bright young man." Cribb seems destined to supplant Gary Bauer, a conservative intellectual who was recruited from the Education Department as a ranking domestic adviser in the waning days of the Regan regime. "Gary will continue to formulate domestic policy," says a Baker aide, "but Ken will provide outreach to the Cabinet, particularly Ed Meese."

Rounding out the senior staff are two lawyers with extensive Capitol Hill experience. Arthur B. Culvahouse, 38, who was a legislative aide to Baker in the Senate, is the new White House counsel. A.B., as he is known, is already struggling to prepare the disorderly White House files in anticipation of the congressional hearings on Iranscam this spring. Rhett Dawson, 43, whose job as staff director of the Tower commission ended last week, has signed on to manage the White House paper flow as assistant to the President for operations. With a long record of performance in sensitive staff jobs dating back to his service on the Church committee investigating the CIA in 1975, Dawson seems suited for his new White House post, which combines near invisibility with real power.

Not since the Ford Administration has there been a White House staff as ; well schooled in the folkways of Congress. But this expertise did not shield the President last week from an explosive veto battle with Congress over the $88 billion highway bill. In rejecting the measure, Reagan unleashed a torrent of familiar rhetoric, calling it a "budget-busting" example of "pork-barrel politics." But the merits of the President's argument were limited, since at least $70 billion of the money in question comes from the gasoline tax and must be spent on highway and mass-transit projects. The widespread congressional reaction was that the White House had sought out a symbolic confrontation with the Democrats to refurbish Reagan's reputation as a strong leader in the wake of Iranscam.

The President may prevail this week when Congress tries to override the veto. But such a demonstration of presidential moxie could be costly, since the veto fight has ended Baker's brief honeymoon on Capitol Hill. Four senior House members, including two Republicans, sent an unusually strong letter to their colleagues calling the President's attack on the bill "misleading" and "simply untrue." Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd was reluctant to predict success in overriding the veto, but the coming battle places Republicans from Western states in a particularly uncomfortable position. Their cherished legislation to raise the highway speed limit to 65 m.p.h. in rural areas is attached to the authorization bill the President rejected.

One veto fight with Congress is not a fair measure of the Baker team, especially since it comes before many of the new recruits have even unpacked their Rolodexes. The real challenge facing the President's men is how to reinvigorate a presidency that was losing momentum even before the Iran scandal broke. Much of this responsibility will rest with Duberstein, whose intensity and drive seem the ideal counterpoint to Baker's easygoing, collegial style. It could be a potent combination, but adroit staff work alone may not be enough to restore fully the Reagan magic this late in the game.

With reporting by David Beckwith and Hays Gorey/Washington