Small Stirrings of Change

By Michael S. Serrill

For decades, the mostly poor and illiterate people of Haiti (pop. 6 million) have accepted their fate at the hands of corrupt dictators. But in recent months a combination of blatant economic mismanagement, lavish corruption surrounding President-for-Life Jean-Claude ("Baby Doc") Duvalier and brutal repression of those who protest his regime has brought increasing numbers of Haitians to a stark conclusion: enough is enough.

Across the social spectrum, Haitians have become increasingly open about voicing their opposition to the excesses of the 28-year-old Duvalier dynasty. Some even talk wistfully of a popular uprising or army coup. "There is a climate of extreme anxiety throughout Haiti," says a Western diplomat in the capital of Port-au-Prince. A Haitian industrialist calls this a "very explosive period." Says he: "People are tired and fed up with this regime." On New Year's Eve, Duvalier tacitly acknowledged the seriousness of the situation by taking drastic action: he fired four members of his "Supercabinet," which ran the day-to-day operations of the government, and then abolished that body. Ministers in charge of the economy, education, foreign affairs and internal security were dismissed in the dramatic shake-up. Also fired was Haiti's tough police chief, Colonel Albert Pierre. Duvalier, who quickly appointed long-standing family retainers and technocrats to fill the vacant posts, offered no explanation for his actions. But he was clearly reacting to the unusual restiveness among Haiti's citizens, and to a threatened cutoff of much needed U.S. aid following bloody government clampdowns on civil unrest.

The protests began on Nov. 27, when more than 1,000 slum dwellers in the coastal city of Gonaives, angered by food and fuel shortages, took to the streets, shouting "Down with misery!" and "Down with the constitution!"--a reference to the document that gives Duvalier, 34, lifetime tenure as President and the right to choose his successor. The following day students in Gonaives abandoned classes to demand an end to Duvalier's reign. Army troops shot two students in cold blood and beat a third to death. That inspired students all over Haiti to launch new protests, most of which were violently put down by security forces. On Dec. 15, a Gonaives school principal was arrested and later died in police custody.

As the demonstrations gained support, the government tried to choke off the opposition. It first closed down the popular Radio Soleil, run by the Roman Catholic Church, charging its management with broadcasting "alarmist" news reports. A general news blackout followed as other stations voluntarily abandoned public affairs programming. Police arrested Opposition Leader Hubert de Ronceray, a lawyer and sociologist, charging him with sedition after "subversive" documents were found in his home. Once a member of Duvalier's Cabinet, De Ronceray, 54, has persistently ridiculed last July's rigged national referendum, in which, the government contends, 99.98% of those who voted backed the Duvalier regime.

With the departure of his closest aides, President-for-Life Duvalier, after almost 15 years in power, has managed to isolate himself politically. When he took over the government in 1971 at the age of 19 after the death of his father, Dr. Frangois ("Papa Doc") Duvalier, the chubby youth raised popular hopes by promising economic reforms and easing some of his father's police-state tactics. But if the younger Duvalier at first proved less tyrannical than his father, he and his cronies did not hesitate to carry out what one businessman calls "the economic rape of Haiti." Among the worst offenders were the ministers fired last week, all of whom are said to have become wealthy during their government service. The four have been given their choice of diplomatic posts abroad. "It's early retirement for our supermillionaires," scoffed one businessman.

The President's attractive wife Michele, 34, sets a highly visible example of conspicuous consumption, Duvalier-style. A former secretary, she indulges her extravagant tastes in clothes and jewelry on shopping sprees to France. In a country with a tropical climate, she has a collection of designer furs worth a fortune. Some Haitians explain the country's depleted foreign-exchange reserves with a shrug: "Michele took them to Paris." Two villas are being built in the mountains above Port-au-Prince for members of her family. The First Couple themselves own a ranch, two villas and a new mountain retreat.

The majority of Haitians, meanwhile, sink deeper into economic despair. Haiti's annual per capita income is $280, though for 80% of the population it is closer to $100, making Haiti the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere. The hard-hit Haitian tourist industry lost $30 million last year, in part because of the high incidence of AIDS in Haiti. The government's often arbitrary imposition of new taxes to fill government coffers has discouraged new investment. Emigration, a traditional relief valve for hard-pressed Haitians, has been closed off as the U.S. and others have cracked down on illegal immigrants. The Bahamas, for instance, is threatening to send home 40,000 illegal Haitian residents.

Unless Duvalier's new Cabinet moves quickly, foreign aid, which makes up a third of Haiti's $480 million annual budget, may also dry up. The U.S. is now in the process of examining Haiti's human rights record as a precondition to releasing $56 million in aid earmarked for the country. Duvalier's harsh response to the recent protests was a "giant step backward," says a U.S. diplomat in Port-au-Prince. In an effort to make amends, former Foreign Minister Jean-Robert Estime traveled to Washington last month to meet with State Department officials. The Duvalier government promptly announced that it was undertaking an investigation of the Gonaives school principal's death and gave Radio Soleil permission to begin broadcasting again. The station is expected to be back on the air this week.

Such gestures may help satisfy the Reagan Administration, but they are unlikely to assuage the swelling discontent of many Haitians. Nonetheless, even government critics admit that with most of the opposition in jail and security forces taking orders from the National Palace, the Duvalier regime is unlikely to topple anytime soon. Critics can only hope that last week's Cabinet shake-up marks the beginning of a new awareness by Duvalier of his countrymen's growing grievances. If internal opposition continues to mount, he may soon end up with a grim choice: either pave the way for reform or face a popular revolt. --By Michael S. Serrill. Reported by Bernard Diederich/Port-au-Prince

With reporting by Reported by Bernard Diederich/Port-au-Prince