Recriminations and Questions

By J. D. Reed

In the ornate state dining hall of Malacannang Palace, the Rev. Jerry Falwell rose to salute President Ferdinand Marcos for standing tall against the specter of Communism, a compliment the right-wing U.S. evangelist had a few weeks earlier bestowed on South Africa's State President P.W. Botha. "Had it not been for the Marcos family," Falwell told an audience that included the First Couple, government supporters and officials, "the chances are that the freedoms you enjoy today would not be here." Falwell later shook his finger at the Reagan Administration for "bellyaching" about the need for financial and military reform in the Philippines and demanded that after the announced elections the U.S. "get behind the country with unswerving support."

That was about the only praise the Philippine President heard in a week filled with recriminations, question marks and political maneuvering. Since Marcos announced a snap presidential election on Nov. 3, at least partly in response to U.S. pressure for a restoration of democracy after 13 years of authoritarian rule, the Philippines has been gripped by election fever. There has also been considerable confusion about when, with which candidates, and under what conditions the election will be held.

In a move to defuse opposition charges that hasty balloting might be unfair, Marcos agreed last week to delay the election beyond the original Jan. 17 date. The stakes were high indeed. "This is an election where everything will be risked--life, liberty and honor," proclaimed Salvador ("Doy") Laurel, a major opposition candidate for the presidency. "You will have to kill us in order to cheat us." In Washington, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Paul D. Wolfowitz said before a House Foreign Affairs subcommittee that dishonest elections might cause a "disaster of large and indefinable proportions."

Meanwhile, the court trying 26 alleged conspirators for the 1983 murder of Opposition Leader Benigno ("Ninoy") Aquino Jr. tantalizingly announced that it had reached a verdict but refused to reveal it until this week. A group of 31 prominent Filipinos countered by petitioning the Supreme Court to declare a mistrial in the case against those accused of conspiring to kill Aquino. They argued that the lower court showed "partiality" toward the accused as well as "injudicious and irregular conduct." Marcos has promised to restore General Fabian Ver, 65, a longtime crony and the best-known defendant, to his post as military chief of staff if he is declared innocent. Such a move would seriously undermine Marcos' already shaky credibility in the case.

In spite of economic stagnation, widespread dissatisfaction with Marcos, and a growing Communist insurgency, the President has the upper hand. As an incumbent with virtually dictatorial powers, he can set the rules under which the election will be conducted. Indeed, the 200-seat National Assembly, where Marcos' ruling New Society Movement enjoys a two-thirds majority, last week passed an election reform bill stipulating that district and village officials, many of whom are loyal to Marcos, will oversee the polling. Under constitutional constraint to resign before participating in new elections, Marcos submitted a letter of resignation that would take effect ten days after the votes are counted and a winner proclaimed. He defended that move with the bizarre argument that the constitution specified only that he resign, not when.

The President and his party remained at odds on the question of choosing a candidate for the vice presidency, an office that has been vacant since 1973. One possibility: First Lady Imelda Marcos. Although the President told NBC Nightly News last week that his wife is "definitely not" a candidate, he announced at week's end that he would have a running mate. Insiders say that Imelda is still pressing to run. Noted Opposition Assemblyman Homobono Adaza: "She's probably the most visible noncandidate around."

In the meantime, the two opposition leaders most likely to head an anti-Marcos ticket mounted a fac,ade of unity. Undeclared Candidate Corazon ("Cory") Aquino, 52, the widow of the late senator, made a surprise appearance at Manila International Airport to greet Salvador Laurel upon his return from a trip to the U.S. Laurel, 57, is leader of the United Nationalist Democratic Organization, which accounts for 37 of the 59 Assembly seats held by the opposition. As cameras snapped, Laurel leaned forward to kiss Aquino, who backed away. That evening over brandy and tea during a two-hour meeting at Aquino's memento-filled Quezon City home, Laurel told her that Washington politicians were enthusiastic for a ticket that would include both their names.

On the stump in Cebu City, an opposition stronghold 375 miles south of Manila, however, the President and his wife appeared vigorous and eager for their fourth election in 20 years. Wearing a bulletproof vest under his traditional white barong tagalog after reports of an assassination plot, the President held forth for 90 minutes before 3,000 cheering supporters at the Cebu Coliseum. Marcos promised them that he would not take the election lightly: "I always run scared." Last week political observers were asking whether voters in the Philippines will once more offer Marcos their support on voting day. Many were also wondering when the election will be held, whether the opposition can frustrate Marcos' attempts to control voting procedures and, indeed, whether his rivals can field a ticket strong enough to end 20 years of Marcos' rule. --By J. D. Reed. Reported by Sandra Burton and Nelly Sindayen/Manila

With reporting by Reported by Sandra Burton, Nelly Sindayen/Manila