Lebanon Seeking the Silent Majority

The President of Lebanon climbed behind the wheel of his bulletproof Mercedes, drove down the mountain from his official residence at Bikfaya and continued a rare private interview with TIME Diplomatic Correspondent William Stewart. The car, along with the security vehicles that accompanied it, eventually came to a halt at a private club, where the discussion proceeded over dinner. Though his country remains deeply troubled, Amin Gemayel, 43, sounded unexpectedly optimistic, insisting that the recent unrest in Tripoli and Beirut is like "the last battle in a long war." Indeed, the major factions in Lebanon's ten-year civil war last week agreed to a Syrian-sponsored proposal to end the fighting. Gemayel endorsed the plan at week's end during talks in Damascus with Syrian President Hafez Assad. Whether the accord will prove to be any more durable than previous ones remains to be seen.

The agreement is fresh evidence of Gemayel's heavy reliance on Syria, an extraordinary about-face for a leader whose Maronite Christian community has long maintained that the Syrians, along with the Palestinians, are Lebanon's greatest enemies. Yet the President believes that the realities of Middle East politics, and the collapse of any recognizable U.S. policy toward Lebanon, have forced him to look to Damascus for primary support. Excerpts from the interview:

On Lebanon's foreign policy. The struggle for our Arab identity has been one of the main causes of our problems. We have excellent relations with the Arab world, and Syria is our gateway. She is our big Arab neighbor with whom we must have special relations. We share the same democratic values as the Western world, but politically we are nonaligned.

On Lebanon and the U.S. I feel that President Reagan has tried to help us, and I appreciate that. Perhaps during a period the relationship was not very comfortable, but our relations go beyond the presence of the Marines here or specific U.S. initiatives. Our two peoples are too close to be separated by what was a difficult political phase for all concerned. And we can't forget those Marines who died in Lebanon.

On the consequences of the 1982 Israeli invasion. It was our belief that the May 17, 1983, agreement (between Israel and Lebanon) could bring about the complete withdrawal of the Israelis from our country. After a few days, we suspected that this goal could not be reached. When the Israelis began their withdrawal (from the Chouf Mountains) without any coordination with us, bringing chaos to the areas they had occupied, we concluded that this agreement was nil. The Israelis were so insistent on getting everything they wanted that they lost the opportunity for a peaceful withdrawal. In retrospect, we all made mistakes.

On religious extremism. In Lebanon, fundamentalism is a product of this long war. When the authority of the state collapsed, many extremist elements emerged. Lebanon is basically a tolerant country. Once the authority of the state is restored, these elements will be greatly reduced, and the Lebanese silent majority, the tolerant majority, will be heard again.

On the remaining U.S. hostages. We are working very hard to obtain their release. Unfortunately, the kidnapers are established in areas where the Lebanese government has no authority. I am personally concerned about these (hostages). Some of them are my friends. I am in contact with President Assad, who also wants to help. We condemn any kind of kidnaping or hijacking, or any threat to innocent lives.

On the prospects for peace. I know the outside world thinks that Lebanon is finished, that the world is tired of us. But from my position I see the crisis coming forcefully to an end. All the factions are exhausted. No one believes any longer that military solutions are possible. In my opinion, a political solution is much closer than before. There is now a consensus that we have one identity, and it is Arab. This is the main reason I believe we are nearing a solution.