Monday, Jan. 21, 1985
Ethiopia Flight From Fear
By George Russell.
First they arrived in a trickle, which quickly became an ever increasing stream, then a flood. Gaunt, starving, often dressed in rags, thousands of Ethiopian refugees continued to stagger across the drought-stricken northern wastelands of their country last week. Their destination was neighboring Sudan. On their heels came disturbing reports of Ethiopian air force planes strafing refugee columns and bombing villages. As makeshift relief camps sprang up and swelled with alarming rapidity on the Sudanese side of the border, yet another specter began to haunt Africa: the threat that the exodus of starving people would overwhelm the meager resources of Sudan, whose population of 21 million already has been increased by 600,000 Ethiopian refugees. Sudan, after all, is also beleaguered by Africa's great drought.
All the evidence pointed to an ominous new stage in the Ethiopian calamity, in which 7.5 million people hover on the brink of starvation. Some 3,000 Ethiopian refugees are descending each day on Sudanese relief centers, and anywhere from 250,000 to 350,000 additional refugees may arrive in the next < two months. Says Nicholas Morris, representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum: "We have had 125,000 new arrivals in the past year, 70,000 since November. We need food as fast as we can get it."
Despite its magnitude, the Ethiopian evacuation is relatively orderly. Traveling on foot for as long as eight weeks from their homes in the drought- ridden northern provinces of Eritrea, Tigre and Welo, the refugees stop at makeshift rest camps provided by two of Ethiopia's major antigovernment guerrilla organizations, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (E.P.L.F.) and the Tigre People's Liberation Front (T.P.L.F.). The refugees move largely at night; otherwise, they might be attacked by Ethiopian air force planes. In one widely reported strafing run on a refugee column last month, Ethiopian jets killed 18 travelers and wounded 56 others. Says Abadi Zeno, an official with the guerrilla-supported Relief Society of Tigre (REST): "It is not food that the Ethiopian government is distributing. It is bombs."
Zeno's comments highlight the fact that behind the images of famine, drought and disease that flicker across television screens in the West, there is another cause of Ethiopia's disaster: civil war. Many of the refugees are fleeing not only starvation but the policies of the Communist government of Lieut. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam as it pursues a harsh strategy aimed at subduing two long-festering insurgencies centered in the country's northern provinces. In the process, the Soviet-backed government stands accused of violating promises that it made to Western aid donors, particularly the U.S., that it would distribute food aid to all starving Ethiopians.
The paradox of the swelling exodus is that it is taking place while individuals, international charities and governments have begun pouring food and other supplies into Ethiopia at record levels. Typical is the case of Mohammed Idriss, 60, and his family of eight. Their home village is in Tigre (pop. 4 million to 5 million), where drought and famine have struck the hardest. The house they left sits on a hill overlooking one of the Ethiopian government's largest refugee camps and emergency feeding centers. Almost from his doorstep, Idriss could see trucks and aircraft ferrying in some of the thousands of tons of foreign relief supplies that are now flowing into the country every day. Yet he preferred to shepherd his family for 23 days across mountainous wasteland to the relief camp of Tekl el Bab, the newest of three centers that have sprung up near the Sudanese town of Kassala, 20 miles from the Ethiopian border.
Why? "We were afraid," says Idriss. "If we went to the feeding center, the government would ask us for papers. We have no papers; they would turn me away. But first they would take my sons and send them to work on state farms in the south or draft them into the army."
Those tactics appear to be part of a government strategy to force an end to Africa's longest-running war. For 23 years, Eritrean guerrillas have been battling governments in Addis Ababa. The prize is control of their 45,400-sq.- mi. homeland, a former Italian colony absorbed by Ethiopia in 1962 during the rule of the late Emperor Haile Selassie. In the mid-1970s, the insurgents were joined in the struggle by Tigrean guerrillas demanding greater autonomy for their 25,400-sq.-mi. province. The insurgencies have intensified in the years since the 1974 coup against Haile Selassie that eventually brought Mengistu to power. The secessionist Eritreans, who number about 20,000, say they control 85% of the Eritrean countryside, while the Tigrean autonomy movement, also with an estimated 20,000 fighters, claims mastery of 90% of Tigre. The people of those areas have paid a heavy price: Mengistu's 306,000-man armed forces have resorted to bombing villages and mining agricultural land as a means of smashing the insurgencies.
The guerrillas insist that such tactics have contributed heavily to the famine. Even before the drought began, they maintain that half a million Eritreans had been uprooted by the civil war, while thousands of others were unable to plant or store grain. Says Amdemicael Kahsai, a member of the E.P.L.F.'s central committee: "The famine is here because of the way in which the government is trying to resolve its political problems. The lack of rain has just aggravated things." The guerrillas claim that some 3.8 million people in Tigre are affected by the famine, along with 2 million in Eritrea.
The harshest charge being leveled against the Mengistu regime is that it is using Western food aid as part of its "pacification" program. Though Ethiopia says it has 211 famine-relief centers operating chiefly in its northern provinces, all in towns under government control, Mengistu's opponents maintain that little food is reaching most of the residents of Eritrea and Tigre. The main reason: the government refuses to distribute aid in "unsafe" regions, meaning those under guerrilla control. Those who visit government food centers must display identity cards showing that they belong to state-controlled peasant organizations or neighborhood associations. Says REST's Zeno: "It is only the very young and the very desperate who go to the government centers."
The guerrilla organizations claim to be both willing and able to help in the relief effort. Operating out of underground bunkers in Eritrea, they organize occasional truck convoys to ferry supplies from Port Sudan on the Red Sea into their territory. What the insurgents lack, however, is access to adequate relief supplies and the means to transport them through a war zone. The Mengistu government has refused rebel offers of free passage for food aid intended to reach the hinterland's of the war-torn provinces.
The Ethiopian regime has also launched a controversial relocation scheme that envisions sending up to 2.5 million northerners to government-controlled areas of the southwest over the next decade. So far, 60,000 to 70,000 people, mostly from Tigre and Welo, have been moved. According to guerrilla spokesmen, those taken for resettlement are often ripped away from their families. When they arrive in the south, the refugees reportedly discover few reception areas, little shelter or medicine and scant food. The newcomers, residents of the arid highlands, are also susceptible to diseases of the low- lying south like malaria and amoebic dysentery.
The resettlement program has been criticized as "unwise" by M. Peter McPherson, the White House's administrator for the Agency for International Development. Says he: "It looks to us as though it may well be a situation of moving starving people from one point to another point, where they will just starve in a new location." McPherson's assessment has drawn a stinging rebuff from the Ethiopians. In Washington, Charge d'Affaires Tamene Eshete accused resettlement critics of attempting to "perpetuate starvation" in his country. The northern provinces, Eshete said, are "totally barren," and "there is no point in keeping those people there."
There may be some truth in that, but at the same time, Eshete claimed that no more than "100 or 50" Ethiopians had fled to eastern Sudan. He also denied that bombing attacks against refugees had taken place. Nonetheless, the Ethiopian government last week ferried two planeloads of U.S., Canadian and West European diplomats to the south on an inspection tour of resettlement areas, in an effort to counter the skepticism of aid donors.
The question of resource allocation will pose increasing problems as the exodus to Sudan continues. The Reagan Administration says that it is sending as much aid to Ethiopia as the country's port system can handle. U.S. food shipments reached 25,000 metric tons in December, and are expected to climb to 55,000 metric tons this month. In addition to the $590 million worth of aid already allocated to African famine relief, the Administration will shift $176 million from other budgets and ask Congress for a supplemental appropriation of $235 million.
Only a trickle of the supplies bought by that money, however, goes to the refugees who have fled to the Sudan, even though Washington's direct relief aid to the Sudanese government has been relatively generous. In fiscal 1985 the U.S. is committed to providing 650,000 tons of grain, worth $130 million, to the government in Khartoum. It has, moreover, discreetly shipped 30,000 tons of grain specifically to aid Ethiopian refugees in Sudan. In more overt recognition of the problem, the U.S. sent three C-141 military transports to Sudan last month with water tanks, blankets and medical supplies intended for the Ethiopian famine victims. Washington has quietly decided to increase its grain shipments to the rebel organizations from 1,000 metric tons monthly to 3,000.
What Western donor nations would like to see is a much more strenuous effort by the Mengistu government to save northern lives. Says a Western diplomat in Khartoum: "You can't feed more than 150,000 people in Ethiopia via the Sudan. The only solution is to force the Ethiopian government to cooperate." So far, that cooperation does not seem to be forthcoming.
With reporting by Edward W. Desmond/New York and James Wilde/Kassala