A Demonstration of Unity

By Kenneth W. Banta

Andropov gets a new title, but doubts about his strength remain

Painfully, haltingly, the stooped figure moved across the dais of the vast, neoclassical chamber in the Great Kremlin Palace. As the 1,500 delegates of the Supreme Soviet rose to their feet to deliver a tumult of applause, Yuri Andropov's strained face stared ahead without a smile. Hurriedly, the leadership pushed through the session's most important item of business. After an effusive nominating speech by Konstantin Chernenko, Andropov's principal rival on the Politburo, the delegates voted unanimously to confer upon Andropov the ceremonial but authoritative post of President of the Soviet Union.

The vote came in the midst of a four-day meeting of Soviet leaders that seemed to consolidate Andropov's power after months of uncertainty. As President, General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Defense Council, Andropov now holds the same three positions that his predecessor Leonid Brezhnev did. One difference is that it took Andropov seven months to get the three titles; Brezhnev needed 13 years. In nominating Andropov last week, Chernenko praised him as "an outstanding leader of the Leninist type."

For Soviet citizens, the biggest surprise was that Chernenko played such a prominent role. As a Brezhnev protege, the silver-haired Chernenko, 71, was long considered a potential successor. But a few months after Andropov's designation as party leader, Chernenko dropped from public view, ostensibly to battle a bout of pneumonia. When he failed to appear for the traditional May Day lineup atop the Lenin Mausoleum, Moscow's active rumor mills began to speculate that he had lost another behind-the-scenes power struggle with Andropov. But once the more than 300 members of the powerful Central Committee had retreated to their semiannual closed-door meeting last week, the official Soviet agency TASS revealed the dramatic news that none other than Chernenko was delivering the keynote address.

Looking pale, Chernenko galvanized the conference with a candid appeal for reform in Soviet society. Inveighing against many ills, including trite propaganda, red tape, "sponging, bribe taking and money grubbing," he demanded a "new atmosphere of intolerance" ideologically to combat what he called a U.S.-sponsored program of "psychological warfare" against the Soviets.

The honor of delivering the central address indicated that Chernenko was, for now at least, in control of the important post of chief party ideologue. But by carefully echoing positions already taken by Andropov in recent months and deferentially praising his campaign to instill discipline in the work force, Chernenko also made it clear that he respected Andropov's pre-eminent position. The leadership, Chernenko insisted, was working "efficiently, concertedly." Remarked a Soviet official after hearing the speech: "I think our leaders were aware of the rumors of a power struggle and wanted to demonstrate unity."

Andropov moved to reinforce that impression in a carefully reasoned address to the Central Committee the following day. Admitting that Soviet society was still well short of "perfecting developed socialism," he called for reforms in production, including rewards for bold management. He urged "radical improvement in planning" to eliminate the "unjustifiably thin spreading of resources." The proposals were all ideas that Andropov had floated when he first took office last November. By giving them the weight of official doctrine, Andropov increased his own prestige; he may thus stand a better chance of imposing reforms on the recalcitrant Soviet bureaucracy.

Andropov also issued a warning that the Soviets would not allow the balance of power to tilt in Washington's favor. But he sounded more conciliatory than on some previous occasions. "If it became possible to reduce the level of armaments and military spending on both sides," he said, and embark on disarmament, "this would be a great boon for all countries."

The Soviet leader was followed by Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, who charged that the U.S. was pursuing "an obstructionist line" in talks on arms reductions in Geneva. The U.S., he said, thinks "not in terms of parity but in terms of superiority." But Gromyko also emphasized the importance of negotiations. U.S. officials interpret the tone of both speeches as yet another hint that the Soviets are keeping the door open in the talks on nuclear arms limitation. Last month Andropov had given that message to former U.S. Ambassador to Moscow Averell Harriman, and last week Soviet television allowed Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Dam to make a rare pitch for the U.S. view (see box). Said a veteran U.S. diplomat who has been holding talks in Moscow on nuclear nonproliferation: "Once we find common ground, it's remarkably easy to talk."

Despite his elevation to the presidency last week, Andropov appears to be still moving cautiously. With the death of Arvid Pelshe last month, the Politburo was reduced to eleven members, compared with 14 only 17 months ago. Contrary to expectations, Andropov did not fill the vacancies. His reluctance to do so suggests that powerful factions may be trying to curb Andropov's power to pack the Politburo with men loyal to him. Says a Western diplomat: "He's not as strong as Brezhnev was. He didn't get his way, or the jobs would have been filled."

One reason Andropov may have wanted the title of President was to enhance his position as a national leader in the event of a summit meeting with Ronald Reagan. Yet abroad as well as at home, concern centers on Andropov's health. Earlier this month, during the visit of Finnish President Mauno Koivisto, a Western diplomat in Moscow reported that Andropov appeared like "a weak old man." On other occasions aides have had to help him walk up and down steps. U.S. officials now wonder if the Soviet leader could stand the physical strain of a summit with Reagan. As Andropov accumulates power, uncertainty is increasing over how well, and how long, he will be able to exercise it.

--By Kenneth W. Banta. Reported by Erik Amfitheatrof/Moscow

With reporting by Erik Amfitheatrof This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.