A Common Front

Tough talk from new friends wanted to express an even stronger and closer cooperation and community of views, in order to affirm our presence on the world stage and to enhance the importance of Europe." So declared French President FranC,ois Mitterrand at the conclusion of a two-day meeting with his neighbor, West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. Clad in dark, diplomatic blue as they sat under the crystal chandeliers of the Elysee's Salle des Fetes, the two leaders were explaining the unusual eight-point "Franco-German declaration" that capped their summit in Paris last week.

It was the first time since Mitterrand's election last May that the leaders of France and West Germany felt compelled to focus such attention on their common stand. Their solemn communique blamed Soviet "pressure and concourse" for events in Poland, and called for the repeal of martial law, the release of union members and talks between the government, the Roman Catholic Church and Solidarity. Said the declaration: "The repressive measures taken by the Polish leadership under pressure from, and backed by, the Soviet Union, constitute a violation of human rights and of the Helsinki Final Act, and place a heavy mortgage on East-West relations."

But Mitterrand and Schmidt also had words of caution for the U.S. They attacked the Reagan Administration for policies that were causing worldwide high interest rates (see cover story) and for being insensitive to European economic problems. To be sure, they expressed support for the two-track NATO approach to arms control--deploying a new generation of intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Western Europe while the U.S. undertakes new arms negotiations with the Soviet Union. But Mitterrand conveyed, ever so subtly, a joint complaint about the Atlantic Alliance. "The foun dation of [U.S.-European] relations is solid," he said. "That is not the question. It is the daily execution, and certain choices that need to be discussed so that the climate may be improved when there is a tendency toward its deterioration."

The demonstration of Franco-German unity belied early doubts that Schmidt and Mitterrand would get along. The West German Chancellor had not concealed his preference for the re-election of his longtime friend, President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, with whom he had worked closely in the European Community for seven years. Nor did he have much faith in the expansionary economic policies proposed by the new French President. Unlike Schmidt and Giscard, who always spoke English together, last week's summiteers do not have a common language. So instead of enjoying the spontaneity and confidentiality of Vieraugengesprdche (four-eyed conversations), Schmidt and Mitterrand had to communicate through interpreters.

Mutual interest, however, has helped them see eye to eye. Last fall Schmidt accepted an effective 8.5% devaluation of the French franc against the deutsche mark in exchange for French support for his stand in favor of the new NATO missiles. Another good turn came in January, when, much to Washington's chagrin, France announced its decision to buy a major share of the natural gas that will flow through the Soviet Union's projected pipeline to Western Europe. Until then, West Germany had been the only major nation to sign a firm contract with Moscow. The two leaders have also achieved a significant rapprochement on Poland. Initially, Paris had appeared to be more indignant than Bonn about the imposition of martial law.

The harmony displayed by Mitterrand and Schmidt confirms that common Franco-German interests now transcend questions of friendship or ideology. The renewed detente also means that Ronald Reagan will face a united European front at the June summit of Western industrialized nations in Versailles, his first European venture as President. sb

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