Anatomy of a Peace Plan

In essence, the Fahd plan does not differ basically from the general position that the moderate Arab states have maintained since the Rabat summit in 1974. The eight-point proposal contains some elements that clearly are acceptable to all sides, some that appear negotiable and others that now seem to defy all efforts at compromise. The points and the problems they pose:

> Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories that it occupied after the 1967 war. This territory includes the Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights and, most important, the West Bank of the Jordan River and East Jerusalem, which the Palestinians claim as their own. The Israelis have said that they would give up some of the land if they could be assured defensible borders, but they are adamant about retaining all of Jerusalem. The hard-line Palestinians claim that they would not relinquish a square inch to the Israelis. But there is room for discussion on this point.

> The dissolution of Israel's settlements on land occupied since 1967. The Arabs claim they will not compromise on this issue: the communities must go. The Israelis argue that the settlements are necessary for the security of their eastern border. They also stress that this is the biblical land of Israel and that Jews therefore have an ancient and inalienable right to settle there.

> Guaranteed freedom of worship in all holy places. This has never been a problem in the past and is not one now.

> The right of Palestinians to return to their homeland, with compensation for those who choose not to. The question is: the right to return to what? If the principle is meant to apply to all of the former mandate of Palestine, Israel could not possibly accept the proposal, since it would involve much of Israel's present territory. If the right of return is limited to the West Bank, however, the point might be negotiable. As for compensation, the Israelis would not pay it, but the wealthy gulf states might if they wanted the plan to work.

> United Nations supervision of the West Bank and Gaza Strip during a transitional period. The Palestinians favor this principle. The Israelis would agree to a transition period, but not under the U.N. Prime Minister Menachem Begin's government feels that the U.N. would be controlled by an anti-Israeli bloc.

> The establishment of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is the crux, and the main sticking point, of the whole plan. The Israelis reject the notion of an independent Palestinian state out of hand. The Palestinians insist on statehood as the sine qua non of any peace agreement. One possible compromise: the P.L.O. might conceivably accept an entity in confederation with Jordan in order to get around Israeli objections, but only after receiving solid assurances of full and independent statehood in the future.

> Right of all states in the region to live in peace. President Reagan and others have stressed that this implies recognition of Israel's existence, something that no Arab country apart from Egypt has ever granted. The Israelis endorse peaceful coexistence, but they insist that the state of Israel must be mentioned by name in any declaration of that principle. On the Arab side, only the Libyans and the P.L.O. hard-liners reject the notion of peaceful coexistence with Israel.

> All these principles to be guaranteed by the U.N. or some of its member states. If agreement could be reached on all other points, this one would pose no particular difficulties for either side.

Whatever its specific merits or flaws, the Fahd plan is the first Arab attempt to reach a comprehensive settlement with Israel. Amid the chorus of Israeli denunciations of the proposals, at least a few figures seemed to grasp the significance of that point. One of them, Professor Mordechai Abir of Hebrew University, stated last week that the plan "could develop into something very interesting."

But he quickly added, "I am very much alone among my colleagues. Most of them are looking into the past."

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