Once Again, AWACS on the Line

By WALTER ISAACSON

But Sadat's death revives the sale in the Senate

Each side claimed that the tragic events in Egypt last week made its case more compelling. Opponents of the Reagan Administration's plan to sell five AWACS surveillance planes to Saudi Arabia argued that the murder of President Sadat illustrated the folly of selling some of America's most advanced weapons technology to potentially unstable Middle Eastern regimes. Proponents answered just as vigorously that Sadat's death underscored America's need to support its few remaining allies in the area. Both arguments swirled in and around the Senate, where the Foreign Relations Committee is scheduled to make its recommendation this Thursday. The proposal had seemed all but dead until last week, but in the aftermath of the assassination, some Senate opponents are having second thoughts.

President Reagan strongly stressed the connection between Sadat's death and congressional approval of the AWACS deal when he met with 43 Republican Senators in the East Room of the White House. "The sale is particularly important in light of the tragedy of yesterday," he said. Indeed a defeat, which would mark the first time that the Hill had blocked an arms deal, would tarnish Reagan's projection of authority abroad and represent a slap at the Saudis.

After two opponents of the sale, Rudy Boschwitz of Minnesota and Slade Gorton of Washington, rose to argue, Reagan jutted his jaw and retorted: "You're going to cut me off at the knees. I won't be effective in conducting foreign policy." Gorton objected to the President's implication, at his press conference two weeks ago, that opponents of the sale were under the influence of Israel. Said he: "Prime Minister [Menachem] Begin doesn't control my vote." Shot back Reagan: "You may not think Israel is controlling your vote, but the world will." When Boschwitz objected that the Saudis were in "no way" a moderating force in the Middle East, Reagan replied: "I hear you, Rudy, but the country that used to war on Israel was Egypt, and look at its change of heart."

Reagan's lobbying last week began to turn the tide. "I've come to the conclusion that if ever there was a time to support the President, this is it," said Utah's Orrin Hatch, who had opposed the sale. Reagan assured Hatch that the Saudis would not fly the AWACS within 150 miles of Israel's border and that the U.S. would offer the Israelis unspecified help to bolster their defenses. Alan Simpson of Wyoming, a former opponent, was also convinced. Said he: "It's in the best interest of this country and the best interest of Israel that we do this."

Israel, however, still believes that the sale is not in its best interest. In New York City last week, Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir attacked the Saudis as a "major obstacle" to peace. Said he: "Saudi extremism against the peace process stems from a fanatic hatred of Jews and Israel." His diatribe may reflect worries in Jerusalem that the Administration's hitherto benign attitude toward Israel is changing for the worse. TIME has learned that in two recent cables to his government, Israel's Ambassador to Washington, Ephraim Evron, expressed concern that a proposed memorandum on U.S.-Israeli strategic cooperation, due to be signed next month, omits a plan to store in Israel equipment for three U.S. armored divisions. Evron also predicted that American economic aid to Israel, currently $2.2 billion, may be reduced in fiscal 1982. The State Department insists that the Ambassador's fears are unjustified.

The AWACS deal can be blocked only by the no votes of both chambers. Defeat is virtually certain in the House, where the Foreign Affairs Committee last week voted 28 to 8 against the sale. In the Senate, Reagan still needs to change at least seven more votes to save it.

As one way of picking up support, the Administration is backing a resolution originally proposed by Democrat Sam Nunn of Georgia and co-sponsored by Republican John Warner of Virginia. The details were worked out at Warner's Georgetown home with Presidential Aides James Baker, Richard Allen and Edwin Meese. The Nunn-Warner Resolution, which is backed by 24 other Senators, would place general restrictions on the use of any exported AWACS. Among them: no third country would have access to the technology or the information gathered without U.S. consent, all data must be continuously shared with the U.S., and the planes would be adequately protected. Reagan has agreed to write the provisions of the resolution into the final U.S.-Saudi contract. The Administration hopes that this concession will not only secure the votes of Warner, Nunn and their supporters, but will also win over John Glenn. Because of his expertise on this issue, the Ohio Democrat could sway perhaps a dozen or more votes.

The Administration also won the backing of 16 former defense and national security officials--including Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Robert McNamara and Melvin Laird-- who gathered at the White House to proclaim their support. Said Kissinger: "I believe the sale is essential for the peace process in the Middle East." The Administration hopes to pick up Jimmy Carter's public support after he returns from the Sadat funeral.

"We're going to win," a top aide to the President exulted as he watched the Senators changing their minds. "I feel good about it for the first time." But it will not be that easy for the Administration. As Georgia's Nunn put it: "Until now they've been lost in their own end zone. Now they're finally on the playing field. But it's still a long, long way to score." -- By Walter Isaacson. Reported by Douglas Brew and Johanna McGeary/ Washington

With reporting by Douglas Brew, Johanna McGeary/Washington

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