Trying to Build a Foreign Policy

But the world won't hold still for Reagan's global strategy

The new Administration's foreign policy has so far been guided by a basic them-or-us strategy: trying to construct an allied consensus to counter Soviet expansionism. The Soviets are not the only ones who make that difficult. An unexpected election result in France, a rocketing confrontation in the Middle East that neither superpower wants, and contrary congressional committees are just a few of the roadblocks confronted by those who formulate policy in an uncertain world.

The election of Socialist Franc,ois Mitterrand as President of France had been predicted by the CIA, but not by Secretary of State Alexander Haig. Thus, when President Reagan returned from Mother's Day at Camp David, he found the State Department's draft of the obligatory telegram of congratulations too stiff. Not delivered until the morning after the election, it did contain a gracious Reagan touch: "Only those who have devoted years-long dedication to winning the presidency can fully appreciate what today's reaffirmation of the democratic process in France represents." But the Administration does not quite know what Mitterrand stands for (see WORLD), and there is considerable apprehension that he may include members of France's pro-Soviet Communist Party in his Cabinet after next month's parliamentary elections. If that should happen, said a State Department official, "all across-the-board relations would be difficult."

A more immediate worry was the dispute between Israel and Syria over Syrian missiles in Lebanon. Another war in the Middle East would shatter Haig's hope that moderate nations there would form some kind of "strategic consensus" against the Soviet Union.

One regional problem that the Administration fears could lead to an expansion of Soviet influence is the struggle in black Namibia (SouthWest Africa), which is trying to gain independence from white-ruled South Africa. Elections in Namibia would probably lead to a Marxist government. Reagan and Haig both met last week with South African Foreign Minister Roelof F. ("Pik") Botha and they agreed to support a formula that would guarantee the rights of the white minority before any elections are held.

Congress also caused the Administration problems last week. The House Foreign Affairs Committee bucked White House pressure and voted (19 to 5) to keep the ban on U.S. aid to the UNITA rebels righting the Cuban-backed government in Angola. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee the next day voted (10 to 2) the other way, but only after adding language requiring the President to consult with Congress before providing any aid. The matter may have to be settled in a House-Senate conference. Both congressional panels also recommended imposing restrictions on aid to El Salvador and Argentina that would tie assistance to improvements in human rights conditions. The Administration feels such restraints limit its flexibility in conducting foreign policy. Says Haig: "The constitutional responsibility of the President for the conduct of foreign affairs must be reaffirmed."

The rhetoric of the Administration remained focused on its tough line against the Soviets and their surrogates. TIME has learned that at a private briefing with Republican Congressmen, Haig charged that Cuba has resumed "massive" arms shipments to Latin American trouble spots. He told the Congressmen: "We've got to stop this." A blockade of the island, he said, "is something that can't be dismissed." He hinted the Administration may move rapidly while the President is at the peak of his popularity.

Thus far the Administration has had creditable success in influencing European allies to follow its policy of shoring up Western security. In Brussels last week for a meeting of NATO defense ministers, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger was able to win agreement on increased European military spending.

He also broached the delicate question of allied support for the proposed U.S. Rapid Deployment Force, designed for quick action in Middle East conflicts. The discussion, he said later, was "very satisfactory."

One Administration action that reflected its tough anti-Soviet attitude turned out embarrassingly last week. Seven FBI agents and 20 customs officers descended on an Aeroflot passenger jet at Dulles International Airport near Washington as it was about to take off for Moscow. After a four-hour search, they confiscated three crates suspected of containing prohibited exports of high-technology equipment. "An act of international terrorism," protested Moscow. A State Department spokesman denounced the Soviet reaction as "absurd," which, considering the situation, it was. But soon after, the U.S. action also looked absurd. Investigation proved that the equipment (navigation devices, electronic circuit boards and radiation gauges) had been formally cleared for export. Trying to explain why the U.S. would not apologize for the goof, a U.S. diplomat said, undiplomatically, "We're giving them the finger.''

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