Parleys About Peace and Power

By Patricia Blake

Oil for India, but no withdrawal from Afghanistan

While Soviet divisions massed along Poland's borders, President Leonid Brezhnev coolly flew off to New Delhi last week to justify an earlier intervention by Moscow's forces. Addressing the Indian Parliament during a four-day state visit, Brezhnev scoffed at the notion that the invasion of Afghanistan a year ago might constitute a menacing precedent for Poland or any other country. "Opponents of detente," he charged, "are making a noise for all the world to hear about a 'Soviet threat' either to Pakistan or to the countries of the Persian Gulf, or God knows to whomever else. They know very well that there is no trace of such a threat."

Brezhnev's audience did not seem convinced. The Indian legislators sat in silence as the Soviet leader warmed to his subject, accusing the U.S. of "continuing to send armed gangs into Afghanistan," which thereby made it impossible for the Soviets to stop giving the Afghans "military assistance." This was disappointing news for Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who has been critical of the Soviet presence in Afghanistan, though she has maintained a consistently friendly attitude toward Moscow.

According to Brezhnev's principal spokesman on the trip, Leonid Zamyatin, the Soviet President had explicitly told Gandhi that Moscow's troops would remain in Afghanistan "until the end." In a statement written for TIME (Dec. 8), Zamyatin argued that the Soviet army had been dispatched to Afghanistan solely to rescue the country from "interference" by the U.S. and its allies.

Such explanations carried little weight in New Delhi; the Indians share the prevailing world view that the invasion was a blatant act of Soviet aggression. Still, Brezhnev did manage to find a formula that sounded promising to his listeners. He won a brief burst of applause when he proposed to turn the Indian Ocean into a "zone of peace," though he did not explain how this might be accomplished. Nonetheless, the concept was welcome to India, which has been worried by the increased movement of U.S. vessels in the ocean and the rapid buildup of an American military and naval base on the British-owned island of Diego Garcia.

Brezhnev also unveiled what he termed a new Soviet "doctrine for peace and security" in the Persian Gulf. He called on the U.S., its NATO allies, China and Japan to agree not to set up military bases or deploy nuclear weapons in any of the oil-producing countries of the region. This was a direct challenge to the Carter doctrine, enunciated after the Afghan invasion; it pledged the U.S. to protect the gulf and adjacent sea lanes from any Soviet threat. Washington promptly rejected Brezhnev's proposals. A State Department spokesman characterized them as "vague, inequitable and unworkable in practice." The Indian government prudently announced that it needed to study Brezhnev's scheme before venturing an opinion. But the Indian press was outspoken. Said The Hindu of Madras: "The plan is little more than the Soviet Union's propaganda points customarily aimed at the U.S. and now dressed up as a 'peace doctrine.' " The Indian Express of New Delhi pointed out the obvious: Brezhnev's proposals, if carried out, would undermine the Western military presence in the region but would leave the Soviet position untouched.

The changed atmosphere in indian-Soviet relations was reflected in the low-key welcome Brezhnev received. Though he was accorded the obligatory Chief of State reception at New Delhi's Palam Airport, where he was met by the Prime Minister, only a trickle of people turned out to greet him. Missing were the throngs who, during his 1973 visit, bore placards with sentiments like WELCOME BACK COMRADE BREZHNEV -- TRUE FRIEND OF INDIA. The ailing 73-year-old Soviet leader, who had difficulty in walking unassisted, also experienced problems in reaching his residence. Instead of a triumphal motorcade, police had to whisk the Soviet leader through the back streets of the capital to avoid demonstrations by Afghan refugees carrying banners that read CRIMINAL BREZHNEV!

Still, India's leaders had no wish to of fend their visitor. Afghanistan was never publicly mentioned by Gandhi during Brezhnev's trip, though she expressed hope that the "independence" of India's neighbors would not come "under jeopardy." Afghanistan also went unmentioned in the joint declaration released after Brezhnev's departure. The document blandly stated that both countries "reiterate their opposition to all forms of out side interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region."

India clearly is determined to remain on good terms with the U.S.S.R. -- for compelling economic reasons. New Delhi's trade with Moscow is expected to dou ble in the next five years, reaching $12.9 billion by 1985, making the Soviet Union India's biggest trading partner. The Soviets last May sold arms to India worth $1.6 billion, under financing conditions that were much more favorable than those offered by any other country. Last week Brezhnev agreed to supply India with the 2.5 million tons of crude oil it desperately needs next year to help compensate for the oil that warring Iran and Iraq have failed to deliver. As New Delhi saw it, not mentioning Afghanistan in Brezhnev's presence was little enough to pay for that bonanza.

-- By Patricia Blake. Reported by Marcia Gauger/ New Delhi

With reporting by Marcia Gauger

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