A Determined Second Fiddle

By GEORGE J. CHURCH

Bush will probably urge policies of caution and balance

George Bush seemed nervous. It was a rare occasion on which he shared a platform with the head of his ticket, Ronald Reagan. Bush's voice was reedier than usual, his introductory praise of Reagan awkwardly effusive, his applause during Reagan's speech a shade overeager. Then a man sitting in a tree shouted something that made the crowd in Birmingham, Mich., laugh. A puzzled Reagan announced into an open microphone: "I didn't hear." Like a jack-in-the-box, Bush popped up to cup his hand around Reagan's ear and whisper what the tree sitter had said about Jimmy Carter: "He's a jerk." Reagan chuckled, and Bush sat down smiling, glad to have been of service.

That scene illustrates the paradox that Bush will face when he is sworn in as Vice President. As No. 2 to a President who will turn 70 only 17 days after his Inauguration, Bush has unusually strong prospects of some day succeeding to the Oval Office himself. Quite apart from any possibility that he might have to finish Reagan's term, the widespread expectation that Reagan will retire after four years makes Bush a potential front runner for the Republican presidential nomination in 1984. But Bush knows that he can capitalize on his position only by loyally serving a very traditionalist chief who will probably require him to play the Vice President's classic public role of Invisible Man--and that he can exert influence only by metaphorically, if not literally, whispering into Reagan's ear.

As Bush sometimes told campaign audiences, "If I gain Reagan's confidence, I'll have tons to do. If I don't, I'll be going to funerals in Paraguay." To TIME he predicted with characteristic preppie self-confidence: "I'll get into the inner circle because I'm intelligent and motivated by what's in the best interest of the country." Reagan has said that he will seek Bush's advice on foreign affairs, national security matters and relations with Capitol Hill, befitting Bush's background as a former Congressman, envoy to the U.N. and China and director of the CIA. Bush will probably urge a policy of caution and balance, two qualities that Reagan had trouble convincing some voters he possessed.

But Bush makes clear that he expects to operate strictly behind the scenes while doing little in the public eye, except perhaps attending those foreign funerals. His model Vice President is Nelson Rockefeller. At meetings of the National Security Council that Bush attended in 1975-76 as head of the CIA, he recalls, "Rockefeller gave his advice and would speak up even if he disagreed with President Ford. He was strong, and Ford was impressed." Bush says he will do the same, but he adds that "if Reagan took a position that I disagreed with, I would not try to embarrass the President of the United States" by even leaking dissent. He showed that style during the campaign. While Bush was visiting China in August, Reagan said he favored "official" relations between the U.S. and Taiwan; Bush was infuriated but kept his anger to himself and tried to assure his hosts that Reagan's remarks had been misinterpreted.

Bush has been practicing a long time for such a role. In his Government posts, he loyally carried out presidential orders; asked once how much autonomy he had enjoyed as a diplomat, he candidly replied: "None." And this fall, as Reagan's running mate, he conducted a campaign that was the very model of self-effacement. He said so little of national interest that a reporter for the Los Angeles Times once phoned his editors to discuss a Bush story, was put on hold and fell asleep; when the reporter woke up six hours later, he found he was still on hold.

Bush frequently did make regional headlines and get on local TV news shows with ringing defenses of Reagan against Jimmy Carter's attacks--and indeed against the criticism that Bush himself had voiced during the Republican primaries. Asked about his charge that Reagan's plan for a 30% cut in income tax rates over the next three years constituted "voodoo economics," Bush blandly replied that Reagan had changed his economic policies (true, but not about the depth of tax cuts). As Election Day neared, some of Bush's aides griped privately that Reagan had run a bumbling campaign; one grumbled that if Bush had been the nominee, he would have been leading in the polls by 20 points. But Bush praised Reagan warmly to the end, telling one audience in Pittsburgh's black ghetto that "there is not a bigoted bone in Ronald Reagan's body. Not one."

Such loyalty is all the more remarkable because Reagan initially balked at putting Bush on the ticket; he doubted Bush's toughness. As the campaign began, the two knew each other chiefly from having shared podiums at party functions and debates during the primaries; Bush cannot remember ever having seen a movie starring Reagan. Bush insists that they now get along famously. "I really, really like the man," he bubbles. They conferred by phone about three times a week during the campaign, but Reagan paid Bush the compliment of letting him run his own race, secure in the knowledge that Bush would not upstage him. Bush also won Reagan's regard by scoring well among suburban voters, who found in Bush's dress and Eastern Establishment airs an image of reassuring moderation.

For all his determined playing of second fiddle, Bush still yearns for the top spot. Late in the campaign, he made one rare show of independence: at a time when there were many crucial swing states to visit on Reagan's behalf. Bush waited out a snowstorm to fly to the safe state of Iowa and campaign for Congressman Thomas Tauke, who had endorsed Bush on the eve of the Iowa caucuses that rocketed Bush to national renown in January. Much as Bush may have to stay under wraps, the vice presidency will give him many more chances to repay such past favors, rebuild the network of supporters he established during two years of arduous campaigning for the 1980 nominations, and otherwise prepare for a renewed White House bid of his own.

--By George J. Church.

Reported by Douglas Brew and Evan Thomas with Bush

With reporting by Douglas Brew, Evan Thomas

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