Keeping It in the Family

By Ed Magnuson

Reagan is careful to share his trust with only a select few

Although he has few intimate friends, Ronald Reagan does have an inner group of longtime political associates to whom he offers the ultimate accolade: "They are family." What they have in common is loyalty to the candidate and a lack of intrusive personal ambition. Collectively they offer Reagan something he prizes highly: a sense of security and serenity. Four who are all in the family:

Ed Meese. Soft-spoken and self-effacing, Edwin Meese III, 48, is the man who influences Reagan the most on policy and administrative decisions. He does so primarily by organizing the advice of others and presenting it to the candidate in condensed form. There is a tidiness about Meese's mind that is appreciated by Reagan, who cringes at disorder and tension on his staff. In the past, Meese has clarified matters when Reagan misspoke, but never in a manner implying that he knew more about the topic than his boss. Indeed, he probably did not. Meese is a synthesizer and organizer who has no intellectual pretensions.

Typically, Meese belittles his influence on Reagan. "The thing I contribute is straight information, even when it is bad news, because I have no ax to grind," he explains. When he does take issue with Reagan, it is often in private, and only when he is convinced that his argument can help Reagan avoid political injury. A careful observer of the moods of his boss, he knew Reagan was restive under all the advice to select George Bush as his running mate. Meese maintained his silence, then finally urged Reagan to keep his options open. Reagan did just that and ended up with the embarrassing eleventh-hour dalliance with Gerald Ford at the convention.

That kind of well-meant advice illustrates a weakness common to several members of Reagan's "family." Not only do they lack national and international experience, they have been so close to Reagan for so long that they have trouble stepping back to assess him critically. Meese is no meek yes-man. But as Reagan's loyal chief of staff in Sacramento, he grew comfortable with the Governor by stilling rather than stirring up waves. His status with Reagan is secure. Reagan was once asked, given just one telephone call, whom he would dial in a crisis. His instant response: "Ed Meese."

Mike Deaver. Second to Meese as a policy adviser, Michael Deaver, 42, is closer personally to both Rawhide and Rainbow--the Secret Service code names for Ronald and Nancy Reagan. Witty, genial and well liked by his colleagues and reporters, Deaver is keenly sensitive to the likes and dislikes of both Reagans. He knows, almost instinctively, what types of campaign events make Reagan feel at ease. In the coterie of pleasant people around Reagan, Deaver may be the most charming.

Still, there is a well-concealed tough side to Deaver. As Governor, Reagan used Deaver, then his assistant chief of staff, to quietly but firmly tell errant department heads that they must shape up. He managed to spread the right amount of fear without creating an enemy for his boss.

Deaver is also appreciated by Reagan because of his well-demonstrated loyalty. When the crafty John Sears, for example, maneuvered Reagan last November into making a choice between getting rid of either Deaver or himself on the campaign staff, Deaver spared the candidate that painful choice by resigning. Later, when Sears in turn was fired, Deaver returned without reproaching Reagan for letting him go.

For a while, Deaver was financially dependent upon Reagan. After the Governor left office, Deaver and another of Reagan's associates set up a public relations firm that prospered largely because for several years its main client was Ronald Reagan. The firm helped ghostwrite his newspaper and radio commentaries and booked his speaking engagements.

Like Meese, Deaver is no deep thinker, but he is a levelheaded staff man with a reputation as an effective problem solver.

"We have a lot of values in common," says Deaver of Reagan. "He knows, like my wife knows, that I have nothing else in mind. I want him to succeed."

Paul Laxalt. Of all Reagan's advisers, Nevada Senator Paul Laxalt, 58, feels most free to tell the candidate precisely what he thinks. That may be because the two view each other as compatible equals. Both were elected Governor in neighboring states at the same time. Both are proud of their Western backgrounds. Reagan likes the way Laxalt strides through Washington in his cowboy boots. They get along so well, notes a Laxalt aide, because they "share a belief in the great, growing, ebullient American West. They squint when they look into the distance." Ever since they consulted as Governors on mutual problems of their states, they have been good friends as well as political allies. Says Laxalt about Reagan: "I consider him almost to be a big brother. Our relationship transcends politics. I have the luxury of being totally candid with him."

When Reagan suffered an unexpected beating in the Iowa primary caucuses, partly because he refused to debate there, Laxalt warned him bluntly: "Campaign or we're heading for disaster." Reagan dropped his protective politicking, entered the debate ring in New Hampshire, and his campaign took off. A relaxed personality, Laxalt is a popular figure in Washington, where many other conservatives tend to stand stiffly aloof from the press and their less ideologically rigid colleagues. The Senator has warned Reagan that he should not carry his anti-Government pitch so far as to antagonize the entire Congress. "If you don't have close relations with Congress," he said, "you have to be an ineffective President. Look at Carter." Assured of re-election himself, Laxalt would be in a unique position to help Reagan as both a confidant and an intelligent analyst of the Senate's mood.

Holmes Tuttle. The most difficult relationship among the Reagan aides to analyze is that between Holmes Tuttle, 75, and the candidate. He is the kind of self-made millionaire whom Reagan admires, a former Oklahoma hillbilly who moved to California and made it big selling autos, in banking and in oil investments. He first met Reagan when he sold the actor a Ford coupe in 1946. Moreover, he was present at the creation, belonging to the group of wealthy California conservatives who in 1965 encouraged Reagan to run for Governor.

Though Tuttle has no official position in Reagan's entourage, there is no doubt that he can tell the candidate what he thinks and get a respectful hearing. He was one of the advisers who felt strongly that Sears should be dumped as campaign manager and that Bush should be Reagan's choice as the vice-presidential candidate. One former Reagan staffer appraises Tuttle's influence this way: "He is at the top."

Through the years Tuttle has donated some $250,000 of his own money to various Reagan campaigns and causes and helped to raise another $5 million by spearheading fund drives. A crusader for conservatism, Tuttle had spotted Reagan's ability to move an audience early, and enlisted him in the fight. If Reagan were to fail, Tuttle presumably would start looking for someone else to carry the banner and back him with bucks.

Tuttle is now one of Reagan's top talent scouts, helping guide the transition to a possible Reagan Administration. Says Tuttle: "All I want to do is help Ron Reagan, help surround him with the finest people in the country." In his characteristically frank manner, Tuttle notes that a President Reagan might need his help. While denying any interest in an official Washington position, Tuttle declares: "Ron Reagan knows that Holmes Tuttle will be there to advise and to respond and to help avoid a disaster." --By Ed Magnuson

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