Monday, Mar. 10, 1980

"He Was the Cruiser"

They finally got Rasputin, didn't they?" So chortled I longtime Reagan Aide Lyn Nofziger over the sudden sacking of Campaign Manager John Sears, who only last August had pushed Nofziger out. The departure of the superstrategist who ran the 1976 campaign brings a decisive shift in the Reagan candidacy: the return to power of the highly conservative California old guard that largely advised Reagan until Sears took over and shouldered them aside in recent months. Indeed, some of the most intriguing maneuverings of the 1980 presidential race have taken place within the Reagan camp--a struggle, it might be said, not just over strategy but for the political soul of the candidate.

Conservatively inclined but a pragmatic practitioner, Sears provided Reagan with a 1980 national strategy aimed at winning the election as well as the Republican nomination. A Washington attorney, Sears, 39, tried to broaden Reagan's appeal, and the candidate appeared to go along. Reagan admitted that he was troubled by his image in the East as a "Neanderthal reactionary." He almost seemed in awe of his $65,000-a-year subordinate as he listened deferentially to Sears' monologues on issues and tactics. Often when Reagan arrived at a meeting of aides, he asked: "Where's John? There are some things I want to check with him."

But Reagan's ideological cohort--men like Nevada Senator Paul Laxalt and North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms--could never accept the know-it-all interloper. They kept sniping at him. They complained that while Sears was vainly trying to win over Eastern moderates, he was alienating the conservative faithful. They blamed Sears for a TV ad in which Reagan commented on economic policy: "We have to move ahead, but we can't leave anyone behind." Griped a Reagan operative: "It made Reagan sound like a liberal."

Sears was also personally offensive to the old guard. As his control of the campaign increased, he became more remote and uncommunicative. At Reagan rallies, he would stay off to one side chain-smoking, not bothering to mix with the rank-and-file volunteers anxious to meet the brains of the campaign. Said a Reagan loyalist: "You never felt you could just walk in on Sears with a problem. He rarely smiled and when he did, it was always manipulating. We were all amazed at the Christmas party when Sears came in and started talking socially with us. We always felt he was the cruiser and we were the tugboat."

When Reagan lost narrowly to George Bush in Iowa, Sears' adversaries struck. His "imperial strategy," they complained, which had kept Reagan out of the fray, cost him the victory in the caucus. In advising Reagan to be less strident, Sears had made him more monotonous. Says Nofziger: "Reagan always was a slow learner. He just had to be hit by a two-by-four one more time. He woke up to the fact that he was not running his own campaign. He realized that Sears is cocky, pompous and arrogant."

Leading the dump-Sears move was one of the surviving California loyalists, Ed Meese, a cherubic "kicked-back guy," as another aide puts it, who likes to hang around the coffee pot chatting with anybody who comes along. As Rea gan's issues man, Meese engineered Sears' downfall by bringing a new face into the campaign--William Casey, 66, a wealthy New York lawyer and an old Republican pro who was SEC chairman under President Nixon. Casey gained Reagan's confidence, and Meese pushed him to take control of the now disorganized campaign team. Reagan, who had earlier tolerated Sears' ousting of key Californians, just as calmly contemplated Sears' departure. "John is a fine strategist," said Reagan, "but there was a gap in administration, a lack of communication between the headquarters and the field. We just had a disagreement about that."

Reagan prepared to fire Sears just when his campaign manager pulled off his triumph at the Nashua Telegraph debate. Chipper and confident, Sears had no reason to think he was being axed when he and two lieutenants--National Political Director Charles Black and Press Secretary Jim Lake--were summoned to the boss's suite at a Holiday Inn in Manchester, N.H. There they encountered Reagan and Casey; off to one side sat Nancy Reagan, looking distressed. Reagan came right to the point. He handed Sears a press release Sears his resignation. Stifling his surprise, Sears prised." responded, Reagan "I'm made not it sur clear that the other two aides also had to go. Sears was immediately asked to help in Howard Baker's campaign, but he doubts that he will work for any other candidate since he still regards Reagan as the "best of the lot." He is concerned, however, that in the hands of the old guard Reagan will not be properly briefed on the is sues and may commit the kind of blunders that plagued him in the 1976 campaign. Defending himself at a press conference after his firing, Sears described the Reagan campaign as an organization al nightmare. He contended that the Californians kept go guy," as another aide puts it, who likes to hang around the coffee pot chatting with anybody who comes along. As Reagan's issues man, Meese engineered Sears' downfall by bringing a new face into the campaign--William Casey, 66, a wealthy New York lawyer and an old Republican pro who was SEC chairman under President Nixon. Casey gained Reagan's confidence, and Meese pushed him to take control of the now disorganized campaign team. Reagan, who had earlier tolerated Sears' ousting of key Californians, just as calmly contemplated Sears' departure. "John is a fine strategist," said Reagan, "but there was a gap in administration, a lack of communication between the headquarters and the field. We just had a disagreement about that."

responded, "I'm not surprised." Reagan made it clear that the other two aides also had to go.

Sears was immediately asked to help in Howard Baker's campaign, but he doubts that he will work for any other candidate since he still regards Reagan as the "best of the lot." He is concerned, however, that in the hands of the old guard Reagan will not be properly briefed on the issues and may commit the kind of blunders that plagued him in the 1976 campaign.

Defending himself at a press conference after his firing, Sears described the Reagan campaign as an organizational nightmare. He contended that the Californians kept going behind his back to Reagan, who was "a very kind human being" and did not crack down the way he should have. People were hired and money was spent without Sears' approval, he said. He charged that Nofziger and Mike Deaver, whom Sears had also removed, lavished $2 million on an unproductive direct mail appeal, two questionable fund raisers and an announcement dinner. But the winners of the power struggle replied that Sears squandered money by refusing to delegate authority or share his ideas with others.

Reagan's old guard felt like celebrating. "It's a good development," said Laxalt. "Now we can change the grand strategy and run a grass-roots campaign. This has really freed the Governor psychologically. He stated his views in New Hampshire in a clear, direct way. Before, it was in a muted fashion and it tightened him up."

But Reagan's presidential rivals were also jubilant. Said David Keene, George Bush's political director, who worked as Reagan's Southern strategist in 1976: "We're pleased to see him benching his first string. They managed to get rid of 90% of the people with talent in that campaign. Look at how Sears bagged us in the debate. Nobody else could have done it." With 47 Republican primaries and caucuses to go, Reagan now has to rely on a new team to undertake the services once performed by "Rasputin."

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