Monday, Feb. 11, 1980
Progress and Protest
Breakthrough for Linowitz, bitterness from Arafat
Not a bad start for a new boy. In his second tour of the Middle East since he was named President Carter's special envoy three months ago, U.S. Ambassador Sol Linowitz last week managed at least a minor breakthrough in the stalled talks between Egypt and Israel on autonomy for the West Bank and Gaza. With only four months left before expiration of the May deadline for a Palestinian autonomy plan, which Cairo and Jerusalem accepted in principle at Camp David, the Carter Administration has been anxious to speed up the pace of the negotiations. Reason: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates regard the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza as a more troublesome source of Middle East instability than Soviet expansionism.
In discussions with Linowitz at the Israeli resort of Herzlia, Egypt's Prime Minister Mustafa Khalil and Israel's Interior Minister Yosef Burg agreed on a number of low-level categories of responsibility that will eventually be exercised by a self-governing council representing Palestinian Arabs in the occupied territories. Linowitz happily declared that "very significant progress" had been made in the negotiations. Nonetheless, Egypt and Israel remain far apart on many key issues. Among them: security, control of land and water, and the status of East Jerusalem.
Moscow was also making its presence felt in the area. Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko flew to Damascus to shore up relations with Syrian President Hafez Assad, who could use the Kremlin's help to cope with his troubles. Assad's nine-year-old regime, dominated by the minority Alawite sect, has been challenged for its repression and corruption by rightist Muslims; relations with neighboring Iraq have deteriorated, and Syria was the only major Arab state that stayed away from the Islamabad summit.
Gromyko also conferred with Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat, who remains bitterly disappointed that the U.S. will not negotiate with him and angry that Israel will not agree to creation of a Palestinian state. There have been few incidents lately of P.L.O. terrorism; some observers think this is because Arafat hopes to play a more constructive role in the Middle East and have the P.L.O. recognized by a grateful Washington. Arafat's organization has been recognized by some 110 nations, and its $1 million-a-day budget is increasingly backed by contributions from individual Arabs and wealthy Palestinians, decreasing its financial dependency on Arab petrol powers. Last week, at his headquarters in Beirut, Arafat discussed these and other matters with Chief of Correspondents Richard L. Duncan and TIME'S Abu Said Abu Rish. Excerpts from the interview:
On the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan:
"I think you should not have been so surprised. Events have been coming toward this for years. Now the U.S. wants to use this occasion to rally the Muslim world against the Soviet Union. And yes, you have done it. You and him [gesturing toward a picture of Ayatullah Khomeini]. But the Muslim world is most concerned about Palestine and Jerusalem and you must remember that."
On the Islamabad conference: "You rallied the Muslim world to speak against the Soviet Union, and they did that. But they insisted first on speaking of their main concerns, which are of the Middle East and Israel. That is the big worry they all still have. I must ask why the American computers cannot understand that and tell you that."
On the new Carter foreign policy: "The Russian bear is thirsty and he sees the water. Who can keep him from drinking? Perhaps he wants to drink oil. Who can keep him from this act? Oil is one of his targets. Don't forget that you kicked him out of this area before, when he was in Egypt and when he was to take part in peace talks. Don't be too surprised that he wants to come back."
On turmoil in the Islamic world: "It is far bigger than the Sunni and the Shi'a. I am Sunni and he [gesturing to the Ayatullah' picture] is Shi'a. But we get along. Shi's and Sunni have existed together for hundreds of years and they did not fight. It is something bigger, something global. It is partly social and it has also to do with liberation movements and the aspirations of the people of these countries."
On U.S. military power in the Middle East:
'You cannot use Israel as your spearhead for bases. That is impossible. Israel has been a burden to you in the past, but now it is becoming a great burden. If you try to use Israel as your base in this area, the reaction will be too much. I am not talking of Arab reaction but of Muslim reaction. You know how great that Muslim reaction is: you rallied it this week. If you try to use those bases you will lose everything. You asked the Muslims to come together against the Soviets, but they will also be together against you."
On the U.S. and the P.L.O.: "I used to be a civil engineer. I know a little mathematics. In calculus there is the odd number. A differential equation has an odd number, and without that number there is no solution to the equation. You are at a crucial moment in your history. Why, at this most crucial moment, do you neglect the Palestinians, who are the odd number in the Middle East? If you recognize Palestine, then the whole equation of the Muslim world will work for you. The problem will be solved. Why can't your computers tell you this?"
On American policy toward Israel:
"When American interests are endangered, you have to talk about practical steps in dealing with Israel. Without an independent Palestinian state, the Americans cannot convince the Arab states, or the Palestinians, to accept Camp David or Egypt or to go along with your policy in this part of the world."
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