An Interview with President Marcos

"I must risk being called names to protect the country."

Manila's Malacann:ang Palace recalls an 18th century European royal court. At the top of a sweeping, crimson-carpeted-staircase, huge chandeliers dominate the great hall where Cabinet ministers, ambassadors and favor-seekers wait to be received in audience. Inside the President's book-lined office, rows of brown leather chairs lead to his desk, which stands on a raised platform flanked by Philippine flags. In a palace interview last week with TIME Correspondent Ross H. Munro, Marcos exuded confidence as he talked about the future of his regime and his country. Despite rumors that he has serious medical problems the slender, black-haired President appeared to be thoroughly relaxed and in good health. He described the rumors that he is receiving kidney dialysis treatment as "ridiculous." Excerpts:

Q. What do you consider the main accomplishments of the past seven years?

A. I would say the most important is the change in the attitudes, the temper of our people. In 1972 everybody was ready to give up and abandon the republic, democracy and the libertarian ideas that we have. We did not adopt the socialist or Communist ideology [but instead preserved] a free enterprise system committed to egalitarian ideals and the elimination of that wide gap between the rich and the poor.

Q. Why is martial law still justified?

A. You in the Western world think of martial law as meaning the supremacy of the military over the civilian government. We know it only as the civil government using the military to enforce the civil law. Actually, the use of the term martial law was really unwise, illadvised. But whether you call it emergency rule, or a one-party system, as they have in other countries, the thing is that the martial law you speak of, which the Western world may find so odious, is not the same type of martial law that we have here.

Q. Under whatever label, why is this system still justified?

A. Because it is something which is necessary for our own peculiar situation. We are, right now, trying to liquidate the secessionist movement in Mindanao. While we are in the process, therefore, I believe that the national government should be armed with this power. We've just received hard evidence to indicate a tie-up between the New People's Army with the Moro National Liberation Front [the Muslim separatist movement]. [In addition], the economic crisis came up. Since the economic crisis has dimensions that we cannot actually now determine, I would rather play safe. I may be blamed for being overly cautious, but certainly meeting both the insurgency as well as the economic crisis at the same time, I don't think this is the time to lift martial law.

Q. Would you be willing to announce a definite timetable for phasing out martial law?

A. Tell me when the economic crisis will terminate and I will tell you when we can terminate martial law. Suppose something happens in Iran, suppose something happens in the Middle East. Suppose you adopt a worst possible scenario: there I am at the helm of government and I have decided on the termination of all these measures--and all of a sudden this economic crisis brings all these problems.

Q. Doesn't this stance allow your opponents to argue that you will always have a justification for martial law?

A. No. I have said that these are the specific reasons for martial law. You have the fighting, with the N.P.A. and the M.N.L.F. joining hands. How do you expect us to bring down our defenses? No, I think this is one time when I must assume the risk of being called all kinds of names in order to protect the country.

Q. In traveling throughout the country, we heard many reports that the Philippine military are alienating the people with brutality and corruption.

A. Who are these people, so that we will know how to get the evidence? I can assure you that any abuses will be punished. It is very easy [for people] to make all these accusations and then say that we are afraid to testify. One has to be fair to [the military]. But we can be ruthless and merciless if necessary. We have disciplined more than 3,200 officers and men since 1972.

Q. You have warned against "mischievous people" who are trying to divide the armed forces. What do you mean by that?

A. The Communists and their sympathizers are trying to divide the armed forces. One of the basic strategies of the Communist Party is to weaken the armed forces of the Philippines. When you hear somebody giving the same old line, "the only way to change is to kill Marcos or take over the government," now that kind of a line is a Communist line.

Q. We heard that members of the armed forces are selling guns to the Communists.

A. That's quite true. We've caught about a hundred of them, and they were selling guns and ammunition. They don't care to whom, they just want the money. And this is why anybody who engages in corruption is a weak link in the entire organization. He must be eliminated. We are all agreed, from the chief of staff all the way down, that we have to cleanse the ranks.

Q. The First Lady is the second most prominent person in your government. Will she be your successor?

A. On the contrary, even in the executive committee or the supercabinet, she is not a member. If 1 died or if I were in any way disqualified from continuing as President or Prime Minister, under the constitution, it is specifically provided that the Batasang Pambansa [the pro-Marcos interim legislature] chooses the successor. And I don't know why everybody is in doubt. The members of the permanent Batasang Pambansa will be elected again in 1984. They will help to decide who the Prime Minister is all over again. Now if all those people want to change me, they can work for that particular goal.

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