Two Tight Gubernatorial Races

Next week's gubernatorial elections in Virginia and New Jersey are the first statewide tests of Democratic strength since Jimmy Carter moved to Washington. That is why Jody Powell calls them "the only ball games in town." The outcome will almost certainly depend more on local personalities and issues than on voter sentiment about the President's performance, but Carter campaigned actively for the Democrats in both races, so the White House has good reason to watch the returns closely--and apprehensively. Reports from the two battlegrounds:

Virginia: Howell v. Dalton

"All power is vested in the people; public servants are your trustees ... We're turkeys for the utilities, and I'm tired of being plucked ... I don't want to ride in limousines and go to fancy balls." Henry Howell is on the Virginia hustings again, punctuating his outpourings of populist philosophy with karate chops at invisible exploiters of the little guy in the Old Dominion--the landed gentry, the bankers, the big public-service companies. Already a two-time loser for the governorship (in 1969 and 1973), Howell, 57, is giving it another try. This time his opponent is Republican Lieutenant Governor John Dalton, who is as lackluster as Howell is hokey and hard-hitting.

Dalton, 46, is a wealthy lawyer who followed his father, Ted, a popular Republican state senator, into the legislature in 1966. But it is the controversial Howell who has been the primary issue in the campaign. As a state legislator in the '60s. Howell successfully fought to abolish the poll tax and to establish one-man, one-vote representation. He worked to pass consumer legislation and plug tax loopholes. This year, as a candidate, he is calling for the restoration of the 100 phone call (it costs 200 to use a pay phone in Virginia), collective bargaining for public employees on a local option basis, lower electric bills and, in case of a fiscal crisis, higher state income taxes for the rich.

In Virginia's hardest-fought political battle in decades, Dalton forces have painted Howell as a wild-eyed, free-spending "McGovern-type liberal," who is "too radical to be our Governor." Dai-ton's campaign literature asserts that, as Governor, "Howling Henry" would howl to a tune composed by George Meany. Dalton also has warned that cops and firemen would be "too busy collective bargaining" to chase criminals and put out fires. At one rally, Dalton waved a garden hose at the crowd to dramatize the supposed dangers of a firemen's strike.

For his part, Howell derides his opponent as "Young Johnny" or "Johnny Boy" and accuses Dalton's camp of "Nazi-like" tactics. Howell has tried to temper his maverick image by invoking his closeness to Jimmy Carter, who joined him on the campaign trail last September. Moreover, Howell is running on the same ticket with Lyndon Johnson's son-in-law Chuck Robb, a reassuringly moderate candidate for Lieutenant Governor.

Dalton has outspent Howell 4 to 1. running up a campaign bill of some $1.2 million. Says Howell, a slight underdog in the latest polls: "We're up against money. It's their only strength, but it still talks." So does Elizabeth Taylor, who has been stumping for Dalton in a dress rehearsal for Sixth Husband John Warner's expected Senate run next year.

New Jersey: Bateman v. Byrne

When New Jersey Republican Raymond H. Bateman turned 50 last week, a political numerologist would have chuckled at the irony. The challenger's once commanding lead in the polls had shrunk to only a 50% chance of unseating the Democratic incumbent, Brendan Byrne.

Byrne's popularity was at such a low ebb last winter that he almost decided not to seek reelection. Much of his problem was an aloof, patrician image and soporific campaign style. He opened himself to the accusation that he was more devoted to the perks than to the duties of his office. He blandly called intrastate helicopter hops "the best way to travel." Aides had to coax him into playing fewer tennis matches with celebrities, such as Andy Williams and Arthur Ashe, and spending more time pressing the flesh. Still, his backhand is naturally superior to his handshake. During an Italian-American street festival in Chambersburg, N.J., Jimmy Carter had to prompt the Governor--and candidate--to climb onto a chair with him so he could be seen by the crowd of 15,000. Then, while Carter waved exuberantly, Byrne could man age only a stiff-armed salute. "I think I am a little less of an extravert than most politicians," he admits.

A senior member of the legislature and, until this fall, the owner of a public relations and advertising firm, Bateman is immeasurably more polished and effective than Byrne as a political personality. But he may have made a fatal mistake by basing his campaign on a promise to let the one-year-old state income tax expire next June. Bateman has argued that the 2% to 2.5% tax--which brings in about $1 billion a year--should be replaced by a legislative package that would include welfare reform, a selective job freeze and, if necessary, a "modest" increase in the state sales tax. The proposal has been roundly attacked by economists, editorialists--and many fellow Republican politicians. "A blueprint for disaster," charged the Trenton Times, arguing that the Bateman plan would raise property and sales taxes and most hurt those least able to afford it--the elderly, the unemployed and the poor. Byrne has latched onto the tax issue with uncharacteristic vehemence--and apparent political success.

As the gap in the polls has narrowed, both candidates have imported big-name backers across state lines--including, in Bateman's case, the peripatetic Liz Taylor. The same day that Rosalynn Carter was saying, "Brendan, we need you," in southern New Jersey, former President Gerald Ford appeared upstate in Morris County. Still the same old Jerry, he told the crowd: "I'm glad to be here to help you get Ray Bateman elected Governor of Michigan." To which Bateman responded, "Thank you, but I'm having enough trouble in New Jersey."

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