Ninety-Day Wondering

Three months is a mere 6% of a presidential term--barely time enough, it might seem, for a Washington outsider to learn that the Tidal Basin is not a birdbath in the Rose Garden. But as Jimmy Carter faces Congress and the country with his energy message on the 91st day of his term, he almost inevitably invites at least an interim assessment. The usual time frame, of course, is 100 days--but what's ten days more or less in the case of a President who is setting Jimmy Carter's kind of pace?

The 100-day measurement stems from the whirlwind burst of activity by Franklin D. Roosevelt at the beginning of his first term in 1933. It has always been arbitrary and somewhat unfair to later Presidents,* as F.D.R. faced a calamitous economic crisis unlike anything that confronted his successors.

Jimmy Carter does not seem to have much of a "100 days" mentality; he insists he is thinking more of long-range accomplishments. But he has already gone far to prove that he could be the most activist President since F.D.R.

Whatever the merits or faults of his particular actions, Carter has: 1) presented the most comprehensive strategic arms limitation proposals the U.S. has ever offered the Soviet Union, 2) put the U.S. more forcefully on record than ever before as a champion of human rights around the world, and used foreign aid as a lever to pry loose such rights, 3) ignored diplomatic niceties in suggesting concessions that various factions must make in seeking peace in the Middle East, 4) taken on the politically dangerous task of asking the nation to accept an energy-conservation plan that will require sacrifices by millions.

Mixed Evidence. Carter has been untypically slow in filling many appointive positions, but he has found time to offer amnesty to anyone who evaded the draft in the Viet Nam War. He has proposed abolition of the 190-year-old Electoral College, by which Presidents are chosen, urging that the popular vote determine the winner. He has asked for legislation to enable any American to show up at the polls and vote after simply offering proof of age and residence --rather than having to register in advance. He has asked U.S. allies to stop selling fast-breeder nuclear reactors and reprocessing equipment to nations that might use them for bombs. He has ordered a halt in domestic development of plutonium as a fuel to reduce the danger that it may be stolen by terrorists. He has abruptly ordered a halt in the construction of major water and dam projects, enraging numerous Congressmen and local politicians.

Considering the actions he has taken, Carter's public-approval rating of 72% is impressive, but not spectacular. At about the same time in their presidential days, J.F.K.'s stood at 83%, Ike's at 74%, L.BJ.'s at 73%.

As an activist, it is not, of course, enough to make proposals; it is necessary to get them accepted and make them work. On that score, so far, the evidence is mixed. Carter sometimes apparently makes the assumption that if he merely quietly states some virtuous purpose (balancing the budget, abolishing nuclear arms), it will be accomplished.

That purposefulness is part of what could make him a great President; the naivete that sometimes seems to go with it could make him a very bad one. But is it really naivete? It is hard to believe so, given his demonstrably first-rate and complex mind. This and other contradictions in Carter may yet be accepted by America as a kind of refreshing synthesis of opposites, helping to raise Carter above the familiar left-right, liberal-conservative categories of personality --and of politics too.

Cardigan Manner. In the meantime the main points of his manner and method have become almost instant legend, familiar topics of puzzlement and debate. His cutting out of the presidency's pomp is immensely popular, but should not be confused with substance. The imperial presidency was imperial not because the White House trumpeters seemed to play Hail to the Chief whenever the President walked through a doorway, but for much deeper reasons. Carter's use of his family as personal emissaries and, even more, his impatience with the legislative process, suggest that his instincts, if not imperial, are certainly for power.

Apart from his cardigan manner at home, Carter's most startling innovation has been his openness in foreign policy. He takes risks by publicly spelling out proposals (for instance, on SALT) that are usually advanced one step at a time in private. Such openness can force foreign, statesmen into positions from which they cannot easily retreat.

On human rights, he assumes a universal moralizing attitude--but does not really press the issue in countries that are essential to U.S. security. He publicly kicks Leonid Brezhnev in the shins and then sends Secretary of State Cyrus Vance to Moscow in search of a new SALT breakthrough. But most Americans are plainly heartened by hearing their President give voice to those 200-year-old promises of what the nation stands for in the world.

At the same time, the open discussion of new proposals involves the public in a way that it has not been involved in more secretive dealings. Abroad, it just might shock other countries into action on long-stalled issues--for instance, in the Middle East. On SALT, the Russians are on the defensive and must wrestle with Carter's ideas. In the Administration's dealings with Africa so far, there are signs of a sophisticated attempt to keep away from too direct intervention while still maintaining a strong influence. And there are some hints in Washington that the danger of too much openness is being learned.

A special foreign policy problem is Andrew Young (see following story). In almost any other Administration, there would be serious discussion by now of whether Young should be asked to resign as a result of his frequent gaffes.

There is no evidence that such a discussion is going on. Indeed, Carter only last week pointedly said, "I've never complained about what Andy does."

As for the domestic economy, in retrospect the best thing that can be said about the misguided $50 rebate proposal, now abandoned, is that compared with the stimulus demands by more liberal Democrats, it was modest. In general, Carter has wisely avoided asking for huge spending programs and is proving himself an economic conservative whose policies are not too far different from Ford's--to the great disappointment of organized labor and liberal Democrats, including the majority of Congress.

Doubtful Art. The expectation that a Democratic President would get along with a Democratic Congress, of course, has always been exaggerated; for one thing, the Democratic majority is so large that party solidarity is not necessary--and is extremely difficult to maintain. Besides, Carter has launched major proposals without adequately consulting congressional leaders and is still playing the outsider's role. Carter believes that Congressmen "tend to compromise first and look for the principle involved after the fight is over." Whether he will ever learn the art of cajoling Congress as it wants to be cajoled is doubtful, but he has shown lately that he can learn from mistakes and knows how to compromise.

This week's energy proposal will provide the first major test of Carter's mettle. From what is known so far, his approach to the problem (helped by the exceptionally able James Schlesinger) tries to compromise some sharp opposites: free market and regulation, mandatory and voluntary approaches, incentives and penalties.

A consensus of TIME bureau chiefs across the U.S. is that on the whole, Carter has made a very promising and exciting start. "Carter has made mistakes," observes Los Angeles' William Rademaekers. "But they are not sinister mistakes. They may be an overreliance on the concept of a Government of the people, a concept so remote from our current experience as to be almost alien. We may well be moving into an era when the presidency is neither regal nor secretive, naive nor folksy, but interacts with Americans in a way that restores a sense of dynamism to our Government." Adds New York's Laurence Barrett: "We have no basis to worry much about the brains, intentions, candor and courage of the chap in the White House. That's a nice feeling, for a change."

For a conclusive test of Carter's abilities, the nation will have to wait longer than 100, or even 1,000 days. He plans to send up quite a few balloons besides the energy program--Government reorganization, tax reform, an overhaul of the welfare system, a balanced budget --and most of them will not be coming down for quite a while.

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