Arafat: Solutions, Not Theatrics

For one minute they stood in solemn silence in memory of those who have died for the cause of Palestinian statehood. Then the delegates to the plenary session of the 178-member Palestinian National Council, which convened late last week in the Arab League's blue and green tiled headquarters in Cairo, got down to business. As the Palestinians' de facto parliament, the plenary was promising to be--as Palestine Liberation Organization Leader Yasser Arafat had earlier described it--"one of the most important meetings in Palestinian history."

Arafat, who is chairman of the council's 14-man executive committee, was planning to try to convince his deeply divided followers that it is necessary to 1) participate in a Geneva Conference, 2) come to terms with Jordan's King Hussein, and 3) moderate, if not abandon the P.L.O.'s avowed aim of establishing a "secular democratic" state in all of Israel rather than merely on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

Although there is no chance that the council will heed Secretary of State Cyrus Vance's suggestion that it formally concede Israel's right to exist, the Palestinians now realize they risk losing the support of oil-rich Arab states if they do not soften their position. Wearing his usual cartridge belt and revolver, an unshaven Arafat outlined his opinions in an interview with TIME'S Chief of Correspondents Murray Gart and Correspondent Wilton Wynn in Beirut before taking off for the Afro-Arab summit in Cairo. Excerpts from the interview:

Q. Will the P.L.O. join in a Geneva Conference?

A. How can I expect any success from such a conference? Nevertheless, I wish a conference that would solve problems, including Palestinian rights, would take place. When I see the invitation and agenda, I will make a decision. I don't want to go simply for the sake of being present. If there is a conference to solve the problem sincerely, I will be happy to participate. What I am seriously worried about is a theatrical conference convened just to keep the area busy, which will achieve nothing. Isn't it tragic that people wonder if the Palestinians, the people who have been driven out of their homes, have the right to attend a conference on the Palestine problem?

Q. What about Israel's right to exist?

A. So far, the Palestinians are unrecognized--the homeless, the stateless--and so it is recognition of the Palestinians that counts at this time. The answer is: I cannot answer now. When we come to this stage, I will answer.

Q. Do you support federation between Jordan and a Palestinian state?

A. I committed myself to establishing certain relations with Jordan after the establishment of a Palestinian state. If we don't have our state, we will be discussing things in a vacuum. You must have land and people and then discuss their future. Right now, one state is missing. As long as one element is missing, you cannot have a proper equation. Now we feel there is a chance. The future of these talks depends on the Jordanians.

Q. Should the Palestinians set up a government in exile?

A. If such a move promotes our march to achieve our realistic goals, we are ready. Many people speak to me about it. There are negative and positive arguments for such a move. As long as the situation remains as ambiguous as it is now, I feel the negative arguments are stronger.

Q. What was your reaction to Secretary Vance's Middle East trip?

A. He was much too lenient with the Israelis, and they knew how to exploit the visit to their advantage. I understand from the Arab leaders who met Mr. Vance that their responses to his questions were positive and they expressed their deep desire for peace. On the other side, the Israelis didn't give him anything except arrogance and obstinacy. During his visit, Mr. Vance treated the Palestine question as the crux of the Middle Eastern crisis, but he did not deal with the representatives of the Palestinians. The question is whether the U.S. is willing to put pressure on Israel. Everybody in this area believes that the U.S. can make Israel change its position, but in the American position I see only a continuous pursuit of how many more concessions the Arabs can give.

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