Living the 'Third Theory'

By David Beckwith

Egyptian President Anwar Sadat calls him "the lunatic of Libya." The CIA, TIME has learned, commissioned a secret psychological profile, which suggested that he was sound of mind. Nonetheless, Libya's mercurial strongman, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, 34, has given leaders everywhere plenty of reason to worry since he took power in a 1969 military coup. With the country's approximately $10 billion in annual revenues, mostly from oil, the ascetic, fanatically religious Gaddafi has become, among other things, one of the world's foremost backers of terrorism and insurrection. Pursuing a dream of a Libyan-led Islamic sphere of influence, he has fomented a coup against the regime of Sudanese President Jaafar Numeiry, expropriated land from neighboring Chad, and edged relations with Egypt perilously close to outright war. Despite these foreign excesses, he remains securely in power at home. Last week TIME Correspondent David Beckwith visited Libya during the twelve-day session of the country's fourth General People's Congress. His report:

Cane in hand, a long cloak over his shoulders, "Brother Colonel" Muammar Gaddafi sat alone at a desk center-stage in the spanking-new, audio-equipped People's Hall, lecturing 980 People's Congress delegates like a stern but kindly headmaster. Occasionally he would make use of a blackboard to illustrate a topic. At times the proceedings suggested a college teach-in, with Gaddafi reminding delegates that they, not he, were the decision makers. As for the country's top ministers, the colonel said, "You can change any of them right now if you choose."

That is doubtful. Nominally, the congress is responsible for drawing up local budgets and passing national policy resolutions. But as the delegates knew, any decisions would be subject to ratification by Gaddafi's all-military Revolutionary Command Council. Still, many of the congress-goers took the floor to express grievances and make their views known. The proceedings, lasting eight to ten hours daily, were telecast nationally, and Gaddafi made no move to clear the hall (as he had done at the congressional session in January) of outsiders who might draw wrong conclusions about Libyan unity.

Gaddafi had asked each municipality to present budget requests, with the suggestion that they be raised by no more than 10% over the last submissions. Most, however, demanded increases of 100% or more for everything from hospitals to police stations to cultural centers. When Libyan Treasury Minister Muhammad Zarouk Rajab urged restraint, an elderly delegate in a black fez and business suit took exception. "There are no controls!" he shouted. "How can we ask for services when we don't know how much money can be spent?" Finally, Gaddafi called a halt to the budget discussions by announcing that all requests were "approved" --though whether the requested money will be forthcoming is open to doubt.

Later, when tedium set in, Gaddafi managed to arouse the assembly by signaling to Premier Abdul Salam Jalloud. who announced that any Libyan wanting to build a house would receive free land, along with a guaranteed bank loan for construction. The crowd came alive with cheers.

Gaddafi dreamed up the idea for the congress during a five-month solitary retreat to the desert in 1974. It is the product of what he calls the Third Universal Theory (the other two being capitalism and Communism). As outlined in his single-chapter Green Book, the theory rejects democratic representation in favor of direct participation by the masses. Municipalities, trade unions and professional groups establish committees, which in turn choose delegates to the congress "by consensus." The congress convenes at Gaddafi's whim.

Of course, oil money is a big help in making the Third Theory work. Libya has the highest per capita income in Africa: $4,000 from oil revenues alone. Of the government's $10 billion in total income, $5 billion is assigned to development projects such as irrigation programs and small factory construction. Another $2 billion goes to social services and welfare programs. The government claims to have built 346,000 new housing units since 1970, virtually eliminating slums. Medical care is free, and Libyans can increasingly afford the foreign consumer goods piled up in Tripoli's mile-long port. Like other oil-rich Arab lands, Libya has a chronic labor shortage. Nearly 300,000 workers--about 40% of the labor force--come from abroad. They include 250,000 Egyptians, who send $400 million annually home to aid their hard-pressed economy.

Humble Peugeot. Gaddafi's messianism has had its advantages on the home front. His personal asceticism--he lives in army barracks and rides around Tripoli in a humble white Peugeot --keeps a lid on the nouveau riche excesses that have plagued Saudi Arabia. Some observers are worried about the immigration of Libyans from the desert to the cities. Says one Western diplomat: "These people are desert nomads. There's danger that they'll become disoriented by urban life and indolent with their riches. Gaddafi is trying to combat this with a religious, revolutionary fervor--with unknown success."

Gaddafi seems not quite sure how long his xenophobic regime can last, though no members of his Revolutionary Command Council currently challenge his authority. He never leaves the country without turning over control of three key army units to members of his Bedouin family, and Libyan jails contain many political prisoners. But the Egyptians, who in the .words of one official have been actively interested in "stirring up something" against him, admit that they have had no success. Predicts a U.S. diplomat who has watched Gaddafi's theatrics from the sidelines: "Barring a freak accident, he'll be with us for years to come."

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