Ecevit: The Poet Premier

"He wouldn't even kill an ant," was the way Turks described Biilent Ecevit, 49, their Premier. His biographer called him a "romantic, artistic, even mystical man." The son of a respected painter, Ecevit (pronounced Edge-a-vit) is a translator of the poetry of T.S. Eliot and Ezra Pound into Turkish and a poet in his own right. In fact, one of his poems is about the ambivalent attraction between Greeks and Turks: "No matter that we are not of the same racial blood;/ The wild spirit flowing in our veins is the same./ We have cursed each other;/ And have been bloodily knived;/ But there is still a love within us."

Short (5 ft. 6 in.) and skinny, he has the appearance of a prim provincial schoolmaster and lacks the flashy personal style common in Turkey's byzantine politics. But since he ordered the invasion of Cyprus by Turkish troops, Ecevit's image has changed. He has become a national hero. He has also won the grudging respect of the Turkish armed forces that he had alienated in 1971 when he was the only politician to protest publicly the grabbing of political power and imposition of martial law by the generals.

Before the recent Cyprus crisis, he had spent most of his political career on domestic affairs, crusading for liberal causes. As Minister of Labor in 1961, he sponsored Turkey's first right-to-strike legislation. He is an advocate of land reform, the improvement of health care and social services in rural areas and increased state participation in basic industries. Two years ago, he successfully challenged Turkey's venerable political leader Ismet Inonii (who served as President or Premier throughout most of a quarter-century) for the chairmanship of the mildly leftist Republican People's Party.

When the generals permitted parliamentary elections in October 1973, Ecevit's party increased its number of seats by nearly 100%. He became Premier last January after patching together an unlikely coalition of his own party and its conservative opponents, the Moslem-dominated National Salvation Party. Although his coalition has a comfortable 16-vote majority in the 450-member National Assembly, Ecevit will probably be tempted to call new elections as soon as the Cyprus situation settles down. He will want to cash in on the popularity he gained from his defiance of the U.S. in allowing Turkish farmers to grow opium poppies after a three-year ban (TIME, July 15) and his decisive actions during the Cyprus crisis. Re-election would give him up to four more years in office.

Last week Ecevit met with TIME'S John Shaw and Mehmet Ali Kislali in his spacious office in Ankara. Over tea and with a relief map of Cyprus on the wall near him, Ecevit gave his views of the situation:

ON THE CYPRUS WAR

Our main concern is the large Turkish community [119,000]. It is our moral responsibility to help when needed. The Greeks had been violating Cyprus agreements for a decade by illegally shipping in troops and military equipment. In the crises of 1964 and 1967, when Turkish Cypriots were being massacred, we wanted to go in and help, but our allies put obstacles in our way. Thus we hesitated. This time we knew we could not delay. If we did, then everything would have been lost for all Cypriots. The independent state of Cyprus would have ended, and de facto enosis [union with Greece] would have occurred.

It was our duty. So we took the initiative. We limited our objectives to providing security and to restoring the constitutional status of Cyprus. We have now reached a position where we can ensure that any new solution to the Cyprus question does not conflict with the interests of Turkey or with the interests of the Turkish community on the island. For example, it is a fact that the Turks on Cyprus can no longer live under Greek rule. This fact should be made part of the new constitutional solution for Cyprus. Separate government for Greeks and Turks on the island is essential after all that has happened.

ON PEACE PROSPECTS

I do not want to look too far into the future. But at the Geneva talks we insisted that Turkey should not be expected to withdraw forces now or stop reinforcing them. The reason is that we have learned from dire experience over the years that our military presence is necessary if we are to contribute to establishing constitutional order in Cyprus as well as maintaining the safety of the Turkish Cypriots. And we have to keep troops there as long as necessary--until we can feel sure about Cyprus. To reach that stage, there must be mutual confidence, on the island and the mainlands. Without that, we cannot live together, so I feel it is our duty to contribute to building mutual confidence, and I hope the Greeks will reciprocate.

ON TURKISH-GREEK RELATIONS

I believe there is a strong, latent affinity between Turks and Greeks. We share some of the same folklore and lived under the same government for centuries. I believe in Turkish-Greek friendship. Even during the fighting we tried to say nothing to hurt the Greeks. There have been no public demonstrations against Greeks in Turkey.

I think that Constantino Caramanlis, the new Premier of Greece, is the sort of man with whom we can work. In the past, he has shown he realizes the need for friendship with us and contributed much to it. He may have to do certain things that the Greek people may not easily accept. I assume the Greeks realize that Premier Caramanlis has inherited an accumulation of mistakes for which he is not responsible. The military regime in Athens made it impossible for us to have a dialogue with the Greeks. But now we have a new opportunity.

However, in the present hostile state of relations between our two countries, we cannot continue cooperating with the Greeks in NATO. While Greeks and Turks were fighting on Cyprus, high-ranking Greek officers remained at NATO headquarters in our Port Izmir.

I have explained to the Americans that this is no longer possible. We realize that the continuation of the alliance in the area is essential. Therefore, an atmosphere of mutual confidence between us must be created if the southeastern flank of NATO is to remain intact and operative.

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