The Spoils of Gaullism

One of the hallmarks of Gaullist politics as practiced by the late general was the building of an alliance of France's left and right under a national banner of pride and grandeur. For 16 years, that tactic kept the U.D.R. (Union of Democrats for the Fifth Republic) Party of Charles de Gaulle in power. But now that the U.D.R. is in disarray after the elimination of Gaullist Jacques Chaban-Delmas in last week's first round of balloting for the presidency, the nation has fallen back into its traditional polarities, with Finance Minister Valery Giscard d'Estaing, 48, representing the right, and Franc,ois Mitterrand, 57, leading a Popular Front of leftists that includes the Communist Party. As campaigning began for the final round of voting this Sunday, the two candidates are locked in frantic efforts to out-De Gaulle each other; three weeks ago, both were rapping the general's party.

The two have sound reasons for seeking the spoils of Gaullism. It is the Gaullist 15.1% of the vote that Chaban collected that holds the balance of power between Giscard's first-round 32.6% and Mitterrand's 43.2%. For the first time in the campaign, French opinion polls differed last week over the favorite. One showed Giscard edging ahead by 51% to 49%; another found Mitterrand leading by the same margin.

Because Finance Minister Giscard is identified nearly everywhere as the author of the quintessentially Gaullist policy of economic independence from the U.S. or any other country, he seemed the inevitable second-round beneficiary of almost all of the Chaban vote. Mitterrand, however, was not about to let Gaullists forget that he had something to offer them too. "There exist many Frenchmen who identify themselves with the history of Gaullism, but not with the right of big business," he declared. He reminded Gaullists that Giscard was partly responsible for the general's forced retirement in 1969 when Giscard urged a non vote against De Gaulle. Even Mitterrand's ally, Communist Boss Georges Marchais, could not resist getting in on the act, despite the generally low profile his party has been keeping in order not to embarrass Mitterrand. "Gaullists and Communists, even if they have been sometimes violently opposed, have always been united at different stages," said Marchais.

Moscow Interference. Giscard counterattacked by boasting that "I learned my lessons as a statesman from De Gaulle and his way of making decisions." When the Soviet ambassador called on Giscard (ostensibly to discuss bilateral economic issues), the Finance Minister called in news photographers and later pointedly declared that he intended to be the "President of all the French." It was an obvious bid for leftist as well as Gaullist support. The usually compliant French Communist Party protested that Moscow was interfering in the internal politics of France.

As both candidates postured in similar quasi-Gaullist roles, Frenchmen were left to ponder the very real differences between them: Mitterrand, the solid, earnest leader committed to social reform but allied with the lockstep Communist Party, and Giscard, the cool, successful administrator concerned with growth but seeming at times too far removed from human needs. Said one Gaullist Deputy: "My heart says Mitterrand. My mind says Giscard."

That conflict was finally brought into sharp focus Friday night as the two candidates met in a Nixon-Kennedy-style TV debate. Obviously concerned about his aloof image, Giscard at one point snapped at his opponent, "You don't have a monopoly on the heart, M. Mitterrand. I am equally concerned about the social problems of France." The Finance Minister promised to give priority to alleviating the problems of the underprivileged in French society. But Mitterrand wanted to know why Giscard had not advanced such programs during his years in government. The Socialist vowed to pursue new policies which would ensure that "the riches of France are not confiscated by a small minority of the people," adding that he wants "a better division of the fruit of the labor of France."

"You are a man of the past," charged Giscard. "I tried to talk of the future, but it is impossible to debate the future with you!" Replied Mitterrand: "Change in France is not to allow you to continue your antisocial programs." About 20 million Frenchmen watched the exchange, but the two were so evenly matched that neither seemed to have won a clear advantage.

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