Echoes of the Coup

For the past 13 years, the Portuguese have been fighting guerrillas in all three of their African colonies of Angola, Portuguese Guinea and Mozambique. Now, following the coup in Lisbon, the territories are being promised at least partial freedom after nearly five centuries of Portuguese influence. TIME Correspondent Lee Griggs visited Mozambique last week to sample the reaction. His report:

Mozambicans--black, white and brown--are still somewhat stunned by what happened in Lisbon. The great majority seem pleased at the pronouncements from Portugal; yet there is little open ebullience. The most emotional scene was at the grim Machava prison on the outskirts of Lourenc,o Marques. The first 554 of an estimated 12,000 prisoners locked up by the secret police for helping FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) were set free in a moving ceremony on May Day. A large crowd, including many whites, gathered to embrace the released prisoners, most of whom admitted to reporters that they had been FRELIMO sympathizers. Said Colonel Antonio Rebelo, new head of the secret police: "Go softly. Go calmly. I know you are going to be good citizens. We trust you. You are free." Some had been in prison so long that after their sudden release they had nowhere to go and found temporary shelter by returning to their cells.

The debilitating guerrilla war continues in the northern half of the country, and the irregulars of FRELIMO seep steadily southward into areas where most of the white population of 220,000 out of a total of 8 million is concentrated. Guerrillas attacked the railway to Rhodesia for the first time this year. Only two weeks ago, they ambushed traffic on the main road linking the second city of Beira (pop. 400,000) with the capital of Lourenc,o Marques (pop. 700,000), killing three truck drivers. Such events temper optimism with apprehension.

Though censorship was lifted, newspaper editors continued for several days to submit all copy to the censor's office, where a skeleton staff bemusedly stamped Autorizado on everything. Fernando Carvalho, news g editor of the Lourenc,o Marques daily Noticias said that his paper "is still climbing down from its enforced pro-Caetano posture, trying to explain to the readers why we supported fascists for so long."

There had been fears that the Governor General, Manuel Pimentel Dos Santos, a hardliner, would not accept dismissal by Junta Leader General Antonio Spinola, and would instead declare Mozambique a white independent nation. But Army Commander in Chief General Basto Machado sent a company of paratroopers from the northern combat area to Lourenc,o Marques as a precaution, and in the end, Dos Santos and his family flew quietly back to Lisbon. In the African possessions of Angola and Portuguese Guinea also, the Governors General peacefully surrendered their jobs. Nonetheless, in all three provinces the chief guerrilla leaders have already declared their intention to fight on, regardless of the reforms promised by Spinola.

Nearly 95% of Mozambique's white settlers live south of the Zambezi River, far from most of the war activity, and many of them seem ready for greater black self-government --north of the river. Some whites are even willing to consider the prospect that blacks will rule the whole territory some day. A wealthy sugar planter in the south says: "Perhaps it is our fault for not bringing blacks along fast enough in government, but there are not enough qualified black people to take over. So I say, pack the northern provinces with qualified black administrators, let them run that part, get some experience and see if they can either combat the FRELIMO threat or come to terms with it peacefully. Then, if they show they can run the north responsibly, I'll gladly be governed by them down here."

Despite the generally liberal attitude of many Mozambicans, there remains a hard core of resistance among wealthy whites to grant sudden concessions. Independence is a frequent topic of conversation at the Lusitania Bar in Lourenc,o Marques, a favorite gathering place for white businessmen, bankers, ranchers and planters. "I am Mozambican," the settlers declare proudly, "not Portuguese." Said a textile executive: "I have nothing against change. Change is needed, but it must be controlled by reason. Spinola must keep soldiers here and not sell out to FRELIMO. Otherwise all is lost, not just for me but for the black majority too. What I say is not racial, just practical."

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