Monday, Jul. 17, 1972

How Voters Assess George McGovern v. Richard Nixon

The emergence of Senator George McGovern as the Democratic front runner has been so swift that only recently have voters begun to appraise him with any great degree of familiarity. This is reflected by the TIME Citizens Panel, a group of 205 Americans chosen from a scientifically selected cross section of voting-age citizens and interviewed by the attitude-survey firm of Daniel Yankelovich Inc.

NOT exactly a household word outside his native South Dakota and the U.S. Senate, McGovern at the outset of his campaign had to strive for the very basic accomplishment of making his name well and favorably known. That he has done in convincing fashion; the majority of panelists speak of him with the kind of open, easy freedom that indicates widespread recognition. Among Democratic panelists, the consensus is that McGovern is a likable, attractive candidate of indisputable stature. More important, panelists from both parties feel that he represents a broadly based constituency and not just a small radical minority. Most agree with Laura Kent, a writer-editor from Washington, D.C., who sees McGovern as "a man very much in the mainstream of American views." Despite charges that he is "the Goldwater of the left," only one panelist in ten considers McGovern a radical. The remainder are equally divided in describing him as either a liberal or a moderate/conservative.

That perception of McGovern is apparently based more on manner than matter: many panelists are uncertain about what precisely he stands for. Their differing views are revealed in the opinions of three groups of panelists:

PRO-McGOVERN DEMOCRATS. The Senator's strong stand on ending the Viet Nam War remains the most binding issue among his supporters. Surprisingly, however, half of Mc-Govern's backers think that the Senator's own promised timetable for ending the war is impractical. Gerald Cooper, a Kenosha, Wis., schoolteacher, staunchly supports McGovern's antiwar position but says: "I don't know if he can end the war within 90 days. I'd like to see him try it, but I would give him a year."

McGovern's call for tax reform is favored by a solid majority of all panelists. The danger he faces on this issue is that of overpromising, for most of the panelists equate the closing of loopholes for the rich with a lowering of the taxes of the average wage earner. Of all the Senator's programs, his welfare reform plan causes the most confusion. Panelists want to see the welfare "mess" straightened out, but they are dubious about the implications of a program they do not understand. "Some people need all the help they can get, but others are just freeloading," says Richard McDuffee, a chemical analyst from Little Rock, Ark. "If my tax dollars can help one family get what they really need, then I feel good, but there ought to be an option for those who want to work."

PRO-NIXON REPUBLICANS AND INDEPENDENTS. Three OUt of four Nixon supporters credit his trips to China and the Soviet Union as major, meaningful efforts to achieve peace. Most, like Janice Lehr, an Independent for Nixon, tend to feel that the President's decision to mine North Viet Nam harbors and increase the bombing "took a lot of courage and showed we couldn't be pushed around." Consistent with their approval of the President's foreign policies, pro-Nixon panelists strongly oppose McGovern's proposal to reduce defense spending by $32 billion over three years. "In order to keep us a first-class nation," explains Harry Kaiser, a Flint, Mich., truck driver, "there's no way of cutting without affecting our status. Russia is already the No. 1 power."

Panelists who back Nixon tend to do so out of respect rather than affection. Says George Hunt, 87, a lifelong Republican from Madison, Wis.: "Nixon is a schemer, a quiet man who hasn't taken the public into his confidence completely. McGovern talks more freely, appealing to young people and frustrated people. But I've already decided who gets my vote: Nixon."

PRO-NIXON DEMOCRATS. Conservative Democrats will pose a crucial problem for McGovern if he becomes the party's nominee. Like their counterparts in the rival party, they tend to view his stands on the war and some domestic problems as extreme. They make their sharpest break with the Senator on Viet Nam, fearing a settlement that would amount to a defeat for the U.S., abandonment of the South Vietnamese or the sacrifice of American prisoners of war. They criticize his proposed cut in the defense budget as jeopardizing the nation's safety and reject his welfare reform program as an expensive giveaway to people who will not work.

These conservatives are more inclined to trust Nixon, a known quantity, than McGovern, whom they regard as a risky and untried leader. Says Mrs. Betty Brush, of San Jose, Calif.: "President Nixon has four years of experience, McGovern has not had any of consequence. I believe Nixon is just getting started; so why not let him finish? He's a good man." If the South Dakota Senator is to mount a serious challenge for the presidency, he will have to do a lot more to convince the party conservatives that now is the time for all good Democrats to come to the aid of their candidate.

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