Words of Violence

Instead of the noise of rifles and rockets, the Middle East reverberated last week with talk. In its way, much of the talk was as deadly, since it portended further violence.

In Cairo, Gamal Abdel Nasser exhorted the Arabs to prepare to fight against Israel "a battle of destiny on a sea of blood under a blazing sky." Also, in Cairo, representatives of 13 Arab states, convening as the Joint Arab Defense Council, gathered to discuss ways of mobilizing their resources for the struggle against Israel. There, too, talks between Lebanese officials and leaders of the Palestine Liberation Organization ended in a cease-fire between the guerrillas and the Lebanese army--the result of which is that the fedayeen will now be able to continue using Lebanon as a base from which to raid Israel. For their part, the Israelis also talked tough and threatened reprisals. The only hopeful talk of the week was reports, ironic under the circumstances, that the U.S. and Russia were closer to an agreement on proposals for a peace settlement in the Middle East.

Rules for the Fedayeen. The ten-day shoot-out between the Lebanese army and Al-Fatah, which threatened to plunge Lebanon into civil war, was settled by a compromise. Major General Emile Bustani, Lebanon's chief of staff, who represented President Charles Helou at the Cairo talks, gave a pledge to Yusser Arafat, leader of the main guerrilla organization, Al-Fatah, that

Lebanon would support the Arab cause. In return, Lebanon insisted on drawing up the rules that will require prior Lebanese permission before significant numbers of guerrillas may move through the country. The fedayeen must remain inconspicuous in Lebanon, avoiding principal cities and tourist centers. In hopes of avoiding Israeli reprisals on Lebanese towns, the guerrillas must not linger in settled areas. They are also ordered not to start incidents along the border but to sneak deeply into Israel before they strike.

Despite the restrictions, the agreement gave the guerrillas what they wanted most: the right to pass through Lebanon on the way from their bases in Syria to strike at Israel. In a show of cooperation, the guerrillas quickly departed from the areas in southeastern Lebanon where they had seized a number of villages and outposts in an effort to gain control over the Bekaa Valley road, now dubbed the Arafat Trail, which runs from Syria toward Israel.

Nasser Rampant. Possibly to counter the renewed popularity of Fedayeen Leader Arafat, Egypt's Nasser last week sounded especially bellicose. Boasting about Egypt's readiness for another round of fighting, he said that the country now has 500,000 men under arms and a war chest of over $1 billion. Backing up his words, Nasser ordered a series of daytime raids by Egyptian commandos against Israeli patrols in Sinai.

The Israelis matched Nasser mood for mood. Defense Minister Moshe Dayan urged that Israel ought to take action in the Lebanese crisis. "We have a right to play a role," he told colleagues privately, implying that Israel should not allow the guerrillas to gain an upper hand in Lebanon. "We are the only power in the Mediterranean that can. Let's not play games. We must decide whom to help and then use our forces to change the political picture."

Big Two. The possibility that talk once again might turn into violence placed added urgency on Soviet-American attempts to work out a Middle East blueprint for peace. As a result of discussions between Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Sisco, the two nations last week were reportedly near agreement on peace terms. The U.S. is said to have conceded that Israel must return to the border with Egypt that existed before the 1967 war. Russia and the U.S. were also said to have agreed that Israel must accept the return of Palestinian refugees on a quota basis or compensate them. In addition, the two superpowers are believed to have decided that an international force should be installed again to guarantee peace.

Once the U.S. and Soviets arrive at a joint proposal, they will present it to France and Britain. But even if the Big Four can finally reach accord on a peace plan, there is no guarantee that either the Arabs or the Israelis will accept it.

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