Applicants, Not Suppliants

Inside a cavernous recreation center at the seaside resort of Brighton, not far from the seedy boardwalk game booths, members of Britain's battered Labor Party last week unofficially launched their campaign for the country's next elections. No date for the balloting has even been set. Prime Minister Harold Wilson can call an election at any time within the next 18 months, and might do so as early as next spring. Nonetheless, Labor, at what could well be its last annual conference before the voting, was off and running. And despite the party's current lack of popularity, no one in Labor was willing to settle for less than a fight to the end.

In one of his most effective speeches, Wilson spoke of "a Britain full of life and vigor and achievement" after his five years in office. He promised better times to come and compared the Tories to poor-mouthing "Victorian undertakers welcoming a wet winter and the promise of a full churchyard." Labor delegates, who have sat on their hands after some of Harold's sorrier speeches, gave him a two-minute standing ovation, and even the independent Times of London acknowledged his speech as "one of the best in recent years by any party leader."

Deep Misgivings. One reason for the party's good cheer was the recent news that Britain's balance of payments, for the first time in seven years, showed a $115 million surplus during the first half of this year. Since the effects of the 1967 devaluation of the pound are just starting to be felt in export orders, Britain probably has a good chance of extending its boomlet so long as world trade maintains its current brisk pace. Wilson, however, must still contend with deep national misgivings about his record and even deeper bitterness among trade unions, whose leaders showed up at the conference as determined as ever to fight his wage restrictions. But for the moment, at least, the party at large was content to hear his heartening news and his stirring speech.

Thus buoyed, Wilson went on to speak confidently on what is likely to become a hotly contested issue of the campaign --British entry into Europe's six-nation Common Market. "If they, the Six, are ready for negotiations to begin, we are ready," he said. "We no longer face the challenge of Europe cap in hand."

Cocky Attitude. Wilson's truculent "you-need-us-more-than-we-need-you" approach to the Market reflected growing public opposition to entry. A public-opinion poll published recently by the Daily Express showed that over half (54%) the voting-age population opposed Market membership and that only 30% was for it. Wilson's cocky attitude was clearly designed to inform the voters--and the Six--that he will not kowtow for a Common Market berth. Moreover, Conservative Leader Ted Heath, long a supporter of membership, responded to the same national feeling by declaring: "It must be absolutely clear that the problems can be resolved before we have a negotiation."

Britain's new antiMarket mood was disappointing to EEC members. In 1961 and 1967, London submitted earnest, almost desperate applications for membership, only to see them unceremoniously vetoed by Charles de Gaulle. When the general was replaced last June by a French government more sympathetic to British entry, the Common Market ministers quickly began studying the possibility of reopening negotiations with Britain and three other applicants (Ireland, Norway and Denmark).

Twin Evils. Britain's popular opposition stems overwhelmingly from a fear of rising prices. Because of substantial agricultural subsidies, food prices in the

Market countries are higher than Britain's. A pound of butter costing 400 in Britain sells for $1 in Common Market nations, and beef prices are 25% higher in the six member nations.

The cost-of-living argument, however, overlooks a more important index--the standard of living, which in Britain is sagging relative to that of the faster-growing Common Market countries. Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart, who addressed Labor journalists covering the Brighton conference, strongly emphasized that point. Britain, he said, is still anxious to enjoy Market membership so as to stimulate export trade, gain access to a guaranteed market and improve technological cooperation. At the same time, he stressed, "we are resolute applicants, we are in no sense suppliants."

Nevertheless, Labor delegates were in no mood to send Wilson into negotiations with a completely free hand. After approving a weak though generally pro-Market resolution, they passed a second measure demanding safeguards for Britain's cost of living, social security and independence in economic planning--as well as public disclosure of negotiation results. Wilson is in no way bound to abide by the resolution, but it clearly placed a political speed limit on the hopes of those who advocate quick British entry.

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