Democratic Beginnings

From the remote hill country, the bal lots came in by relays of elephants to be counted in regional centers. In the guerrilla-plagued provinces of the north east, troops stood on full alert, and in Bangkok, the capital, some 3,000 uni versity students, describing themselves as "neutral observers," watched the polls to make sure all was fair and square.

Thus, for the first time in eleven years of martial law and rule by a firm if benevolent military oligarchy, last week Thais voted in a general election. The balloting was to choose 219 deputies for the lower house of Thailand's National Assembly. The election did not change the texture of the government of Premier Thanom Kittikachorn, a field marshal in the Royal Thai Army, nor did it appreciably crimp its powers. But in creating a legal opposition, it heralded a return to more representative and more responsive rule.

The regime had taken the first, cautious step toward political liberalization last June with the proclamation of a new constitution. The document provided for elections within 240 days, but it also safeguarded the Thanom government by stipulating that no-confidence motions could only come from a majority of members of the upper and lower houses. Such a negative vote would be unlikely, to say the least, since the upper house is entirely appointed by the regime. Said Opposition Leader Seni Pramoj, an articulate and outspoken lawyer who was Premier in 1945-46: "The constitution of 1968 almost achieves immortality for the Thai government."

Coping with Questions. To compete in the lower house elections, Thanom and the regime's strongman, Interior Minister Praphas Charusathien, who is also Deputy Premier and army commander, constructed their own political organization, the United Thai People's Party. Seni's Democrat Party, attractive to urban and educated Thais, formed the main opposition. Also opposing the government were a dozen smaller groups with little nationwide appeal. Despite long years of political apathy and a lack of distinctive platforms, the campaign was fairly spirited. In Bangkok, a Democrat Party stronghold, U.T.P.P. rallies were interrupted by hecklers. Moreover, the Democrats, ignoring dire warnings by General Praphas, hammered home their main election theme--corruption in government.

The turnout on election day could have been better: of 15 million registered voters, less than half went to the polls. As expected, the government party won a plurality, seating 76 deputies. In addition, Thanom can count on the backing of many of the 71 independents elected, thus assuring him of a working majority in the lower house. Seni's Democrats elected 57 representatives, including a sweep of all 21 seats in Bangkok and its sister city, Thonburi. The remaining 15 seats went to five of the smaller parties. Although some regime critics dismissed the election as little more than a public-relations exercise, the Thanom government now can claim a mandate of sorts for its actions. But at the same time, it will have to cope with an opposition that can be expected to ask stinging and probing questions. Says Seni: "The Thais are no longer taking things lying down--and I am happy about that."

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