Friday, Dec. 20, 1968
Papadopoulos Looks Ahead
To emphasize the changing character of his regime, Premier George Papadopoulos last week granted his first interview in many months to a foreign newsman. Over cups of thick Turkish coffee in his wood-paneled office in Athens, Papadopoulos told TIME'S Wilton Wynn of his desire to reestablish parliamentary government in Greece, reaffirmed his allegiance to King Constantine and declared his own willingness to step down from power. Self-confident and relaxed, the Premier avoided any reference to the seamier side of his army-backed regime, which still holds 1,800 Greeks in prison camps in the Aegean islands. He even denied the existence of the revolutionary council, which until recently was a stronghold of his more conservative opponents within the junta. His words--spoken in somewhat stilted English--reflect the complex and calculating nature of the former army colonel who now rules Greece.
VERY many people have tried to define our form of government. We have been called by some "a democracy without a Parliament." Others have defined us as a "dictatorship with democratic ideas." But the definitions are not interesting. What is interesting is that we believe that a Greek state within the framework of democracy must be developed now. In order that a democracy may exist, it must be borne by political parties. Before such permission is given, we must be certain that the citizens who will form the basic material of these parties have become mature citizens.
Unfortunately, the perversion of our political life in the past was so profound that I personally am certain that our citizens are not yet mature. We Greeks have the weakness of act ing not only from logic but from emotion, and the politicians of the past must be cured of this weakness be fore they can help start a healthy process toward formation of political parties and the holding of elections. If we reach the point where fewer .politicians insult the revolution and where they accept their obligations as servants of the people, then perhaps we may have the opportunity to talk about these things from a closer vantage point. When will this time come? I cannot risk a prophecy.
Let me tell you this: A revolutionary council never existed. What existed was the consciences of those people who undertook the responsibility of fulfilling the aims which induced the armed forces to lead the Greek people to revolution. As regards the democratic spirit in the Cabinet, you may collect information from any source, and if you find any one person who can tell you that an opinion or at titude has ever been imposed on the Cabinet, I permit you to call me publicly a dishonest man.
We hope that we can go ahead toward full realization of our five-year plan and that we will be able to lead Greece smoothly from the condition of a developing country to that of a fully developed society. We expect this society to offer adequate employment, to raise productivity to a satisfactory level, and to provide incomes that adequately meet the cost of living. This will eliminate Communism as a dan ger. In this country, we intend to face Communism by the only right method --social and economic measures, not by police methods.
It should not be forgotten that the King sits on a throne that is based on the proverb, "My power is the love of my people." By the time the King returns, even the smallest cloud must have disappeared from the heart of the majority of Greeks, so that neither the King nor the people will feel any uneasiness. Only then can he be the symbol and binding tie of the nation. I, more than any other Greek, believe in the institution of monarchy for Greece, but my belief is not enough. It must also become the belief of the majority of Greeks. I am making great efforts to this end. I hope that I will be helped--by the King himself.
Finally, I have a personal declaration to make: I declare that my greatest wish is to hand over my own "throne," so that someone else, too, will have a chance to taste the "niceties" one experiences on such a throne.
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