The Kremlin in Pianissimo

For nearly four years a primary aim of Soviet diplomacy has been a world convocation of Communist party chiefs. Its purpose: the formal excommunica-ion of China from the Communist world movement. Until last August, most Russia-watchers bet that the Soviets would leave Czechoslovakia alone rather than jeopardize the summit plans by interfering. After the Russians invaded anyway, it seemed for a while that the meeting was indeed dead. All but ten of the world's 88 Communist parties refused at first to support the Soviet action; many denounced it bitterly; some declared themselves unwilling even to consider the proposed meeting so long as Russian troops remained on Czechoslovak soil.

But Moscow has pressed on for the meeting, making diligent efforts to skirt some of the parties' objections to the occupation. Most important, the Russians forced the Czechoslovak leadership to sign a treaty that legitimized the presence of the Red Army. Now it looks as though the Kremlin will have its way after all, and Communist leaders from most of the world will assemble in Moscow next May.

Fount of Wisdom. After the invasion, the Kremlin kept plans intact for the project in a series of preparatory meetings in Budapest. At last week's gathering, all but a handful of delegations accepted a Russian-backed schedule proposed by Zoltan Komocsin, leader of Hungary's delegation, that limits the preliminaries to two more rounds. The first, to be held in Budapest some time early next year, will set up an eight-member committee, including Russia, with the task of drafting a firm agenda. The agenda will be put to the vote of all delegations at the second session, to be held March 17 in Moscow. The summit was tentatively set for May.

As far as the Kremlin is concerned, the agenda could almost begin and end with one item: China's condemnation with a simultaneous pledge of allegiance to Russia as the fount of all Communist wisdom. Few delegates will have much to say in defense of Peking and the turmoil unleashed in China (Mao Tse-tung and most Asian Communist parties are expected to boycott the summit). But few are willing to pledge blind obedience to the Kremlin either, especially now that they have seen its fraternal diplomacy at work in Czechoslovakia. The French Communist party, for example, agreed to support the summit only after striking a bargain that will give it greater independence from Moscow in the future. Leaders of the Italian party intend to use the meeting for a critical review of the so-called Brezhnev Doctrine, by which Russia seeks to defend its occupation of Czechoslovakia and assert a right to intervene in any socialist state threatened by "counterrevolution."

First Violin. For the time being Kremlin leaders are being careful to answer such challenges from their comrades with sweet reasonableness--and, indeed, last week went out of their way to offer soothing reassurances to the West as well. In Budapest, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko answered NATO's tough warning against a Russian invasion of Yugoslavia or Austria pianissimo, expressing hope that "those who play first violin in the NATO orchestra will recognize that a rapprochement and an improvement of relations also lie in their interest."

A day later Premier Aleksei Kosygin received U.S. Senators Albert Gore and Claiborne Pell in Moscow and delivered a serious lecture on the dangers of either superpower attempting to jump ahead of the other in military strength. Both, he urged, should press on with negotiations for limiting anti-ballistic missiles and should seek ratification of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Now that Czechoslovakia is safely in hand, it seems that the Kremlin is finding it easier to be prudent.

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