Humphrey Renewed

From the moment Lyndon Johnson dropped out of the presidential race, there was little doubt that Hubert Humphrey would claim the right of succession. Last week the Vice President with held his formal declaration for tactical reasons, but made clear to the nation that he was not only a candidate for the Democratic nomination, but also a most formidable one.

In making it a three-way contest with Senators Robert Kennedy and Eugene McCarthy, Humphrey began to emerge from the shadows of three years of veepship, during which many had dismissed him as an overly obsequious vice regent. "I will do everything I can for the cause of peace in the world," he told a wildly enthusiastic audience of A.F.L.-C.I.O. leaders in Baton Rouge, La. "I will do everything I can to keep social progress moving forward in America. And I ask your help, and the help of all Americans, in doing this." Responded Victor Bussie, the Louisiana A.F.L.-C.I.O. president: "There are many thousands of us who hope you will be a candidate."

Three-D Litany. It was the old Humphrey and a revivified politician on the march, offering his traditional recipe of pugnacity and eloquence. At Wake Forest University in North Carolina, he spoke on race: "Let us now join hearts and hands--black and white, brown and yellow, adult and child, in the single cause of America." He demanded a "moratorium on the vocabulary of violence." On Viet Nam: "The struggle for peace is not for the weak, the cowardly or the timid. It is for the brave and courageous." On the Administration's critics: "Deception, doubt and despair--that is the litany of the men who sell America short." And: "Iam a partisan American."

Humphrey, of course, faces obvious handicaps. He is starting late. He has neither the aura of freshness nor the vocal young following that energize the Kennedy and McCarthy campaigns. He must get good marks in opinion polls. He must defend an incumbent Administration's record with little of the leverage and perquisites that an incumbent President automatically enjoys. And, while capitalizing on the Administration's accomplishments, he must overcome the me-too image if he is to attract some of the disenchanted. Further, Humphrey will be a prisoner of events during the coming months. There are primary elections he cannot enter, peace negotiations that may or may not be successful, racial unrest that may subside or explode again.

Impressively Broad. His most immediate challenge is to slow his rivals, and the Humphrey camp seemed to be succeeding. Last week his backers announced formation of United Democrats for Humphrey. The sponsors included an impressively broad geographic and factional cross section of party leaders and allies--broader than any that either Kennedy or McCarthy has been able to construct.

Harry Truman signed on as honorary chairman, symbolizing, along with James Farley and George Meany, the old guard. Senators Walter Mondale of Minnesota and Fred Harris of Oklahoma represent youngish liberals. There were senior Congressmen from Wisconsin, Michigan, Texas and California. Representative Hale Boggs of Louisiana, Mayor Ivan Allen of Atlanta and former Governor Terry Sanford of North Carolina stand for the moderate South. Other prominent names: Economist Robert Nathan, vice chairman of Americans for Democratic Action; Ben Heineman, chairman of the Chicago and North Western Railway Co.; Richard Maguire, treasurer of the Democratic National Committee during the Kennedy Administration.

To the Last Ounce. The Vice President seemed to be collecting all those who were remaining loyal to Lyndon, and then some. Humphrey backers claimed to be rolling up commitments of support in several Western states. Enough big campaign contributors are available to spare him the financial hang-ups he suffered during his 1960 bid for the nomination. County conventions in Minnesota, hitherto believed safe territory for McCarthy, chose enough Humphrey-leaning representatives to the June state convention to assure the Vice President of a large majority of the state's 52 delegate votes in August. The executive board of the 450,000-member International Ladies' Garment Workers Union, based in Kennedy's New York City, urged Humphrey to become an announced candidate.

And, despite his loud, lifelong commitment to civil rights, Humphrey is in a commanding position in the South. He is a militant old liberal, to be sure, but he strikes many Southern Democrats as the most responsible of the three contenders for the nomination. Some who have come to regard Johnson as a traitor to his region can respect Humphrey for his consistent position. In Louisiana, Governor John McKeithen--a possible running mate--promised: "This delegation will be enthusiastically for Humphrey, and I will play a prominent role in it."

For the first time since his Senate days, Humphrey can mark out his position clearly, and his vantage point is in the party's center. And he promised to hold out there. "I don't intend to quit," he said, "as long as there is one ounce of strength left in my body."

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