Tough & Confident

Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin is a mild-appearing man who, along with present Party Boss Leonid Brezhnev, helped overthrow Khrushchev in 1964 because, among other reasons, he was acutely embarrassed by Nicky's high jinks and rocket rattling. An efficient bureaucrat, Kosygin not only involves himself deeply in the Soviet Union's domestic affairs but also directs his country's foreign policy. This week, in an interview in LIFE, he proved that he can be just as tough and unbending as any of his predecessors. Ranging over a wide variety of subjects in a more or less monologic talk with Time Inc. Editor in Chief Hedley Donovan and LIFE Managing Editor George P. Hunt in his Kremlin office, he showed not only an uncompromising attitude in current disputes with the U.S. but also a new self-confidence on the Kremlin's part that things are going its way. Excerpts:

>On the War in Viet Nam. "The Soviet people cannot approve of a policy of developing friendship with the U.S. while American troops kill absolutely innocent people, conduct an illegal war, and seize foreign territories. One hears that it is the prestige of the U.S. that allegedly prevents it from renouncing this war and withdrawing from Viet Nam. But after several years of conducting this inhuman war, can your country say that its prestige has risen one inch? From this war you have gained absolutely nothing, and in the eyes of public opinion you have lost very much. Absolutely nobody can say a good-word about this dirty war--except a group of persons waxing rich on it. History will never forgive the U.S., and those responsible for the American policy should realize this full well.

"If one takes an unvarnished view of things, this war can be stopped tomorrow by the U.S. itself. It is strange to hear sometimes how the U.S. grabs the arm of the first person in sight and asks him to speak to the other side so that we can end this war. Is this serious? Is it the way to end the war? I have no authority to conduct talks with anybody about ending the war in Viet Nam. I wish to make this clear, so that no one has the false impression that the Soviet government has such authority--to conduct talks with Harold Wilson, Lyndon Johnson or anybody else. The Vietnamese side has not given us any authority to do so."

>On the Arab-Israeli Deadlock: "We have no aggressive designs against Israel. In the past we were initiators of its creation, and we still believe that Israel should exist as a state. Your policy on the seized territory is different. Had the U.S. joined the efforts of the Soviet Union, then doubtless Israel would have freed the seized lands in a couple of days. However, for reasons unknown to us, the U.S. does not agree to this, although we have repeatedly urged it to do so. The U.S., by giving every support to Israel, encourages it not to set the occupied territories free. This policy of connivance with Israel's aggressive aspirations is inevitably creating another dangerous seat of tension."

>On Being Premier (in response to a question concerning his personal satisfactions in the job): "It seems to me that yours is not a very correct idea of what a Premier is in the Soviet Union. We have collective leadership in our country. We have the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The leaders are responsible to the party and to the people. In our country, it is the collective that works. And herein lies our strength. If one makes a mistake, others set him right. We know our shortcomings and lend ear to critical remarks about us. All this gives us a stimulus to move forward."

Kosygin was obviously aware of his ultimate audience. He was clearly determined to impress fellow Communists as well as Americans with his toughness--in part, perhaps, to discourage and weaken U.S. resolve over Viet Nam. The toughness is genuine enough; at the same time, the Russian line is often a few shades softer than it sounds in public statements.

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