Five Ways for LBJ.

The ultimate design of Lyndon Johnson's re-election campaign will hinge on a number of factors presently unknown, notably the course of the Viet Nam war, the identity of his Republican rival and the condition of the presidential humors seven or eight months hence. This week, however, as Johnson starts his 1968 legislative-political calendar with the annual State of the Union message, general plans to fit all contingencies are emerging.

As conceived by some of Johnson's ranking advisers in the Administration and the party, his strategy will encompass five major factors. They are to: 1) freshen the face and sharpen the thrust of Great Society proposals; 2) employ Administration officials, with the exception of the Secretaries of State and Defense, as traveling evangelists for the Johnsonian word in the next few months; 3) stress, in the post-convention period, the human factor rather than the statistical and fiscal in defend ing domestic programs, with heavy use of sophisticated television advertising; 4) revive the enervated Democratic Party apparatus, with emphasis on voter-registration drives; and 5) delay Johnson's overt electioneering as long as possible to avoid voter ennui in the crucial weeks next fall.

Swinging Group. As with all grand designs, execution is far more difficult than enunciation. The necessity to check spending, for instance, will inhibit proposals for expensive new federal activities. But some White House aides believe that there are other ways to inject new interest into the old Great Society pitch. Instead of merely claiming credit for previous accomplishments and promising more of the same, Johnson, they believe, should point up his campaign with the "incremental approach." This prescribes the setting of firm goals, timetables and priorities--for instance, the fractional reduction of pollutants in the air by a certain date or the creation of x number of jobs for the chronically unemployed.

The Democrats are bringing their audience into sharper definition, and their prime target is the ever-growing group of relatively affluent and educated middle-class citizens. The party is well aware of its weakness here. In October, the Democratic National Committee conducted polls in California, Pennsylvania and New York and found Johnson running well ahead of all the major Republican prospects among voters earning less than $7,000 a year. Citizens in higher income brackets tended to favor the Republican candidates. But much of the middle class is considered to be uncommitted to either party, to swing from election to election depending on personalities and issues. Among the domestic issues that concern them are education, crime and their interests as consumers. Johnson is virtually certain to sprinkle these with as much new seasoning as possible, as well as to freshen up the antipoverty effort. Johnson, who spent last week close to the soil at his Texas ranch, may also attempt to mollify farmers with proposals to encourage collective bargaining on prices for larger producers, greater financial aid for small operators, and new efforts to bolster farm incomes.

Despite Viet Nam and Johnson's gyrating popularity, the Democrats are going into their big year with a good deal of optimism. At a National Committee meeting in Chicago last week, the mood was definitely upbeat. One element in the shift is Johnson's renewed pugnacity, as evidenced in his public statements since November. California National Committeeman Eugene Wyman, who does not always go all the way with L.B.J., observed: "There was a lot of antagonism toward the President [among Democratic officials] a few months ago, but there has been a strong turnaround."

Last week's Louis Harris Poll showed Johnson beating or tying all the Republican prospects, whereas two months earlier he trailed them all. Most Democratic leaders believe that the G.O.P.'s strongest candidate would be Nelson Rockefeller, but that the party will not nominate him. If Nixon gets the nod, which now seems likely, they think that will be a boost for Johnson.

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