Campaign Kickoff

South Viet Nam was suddenly snowed under with paper. Strewn across town and countryside were two million posters, two million comic books, four million banners and 80 million leaflets.

For those Vietnamese who might somehow escape the government-sponsored literature, a reedy voice on Saigon radio warbled this message to a martial beat: "Viet Nam, remember Sept. 3, and go vote for a President. Choose people of high ability and good behavior. Choose people who deserve to be heroes." Thus last week began the most widespread political campaign in Vietnamese history. In addition to a President and Vice President, the voters will also elect a 60-member Senate.

Peace Pitch. South Vietnamese television viewers had their first opportunity to see the eleven presidential hopefuls and their running mates on one marathon program. One after another, the candidates made brief five-minute presentations. Reflecting the general wish for an end to war, the chief pitch was a plea for peace. Tran Van Huong, 63, the former Premier (1965), who is the leading civilian candidate, called for talks with Hanoi--though he ruled out any direct dealings with the National Liberation Front. Truong Dinh Dzu, 50, a plump lawyer, who is campaigning with a dove as his symbol, announced that his platform calls for no more bombing of North Viet Nam and immediate peace negotiations with Hanoi. If elected, Dr. Phan Quang Dan, 49, a Harvard-educated physician who is vice-presidential candidate on the ticket of Phan Khac Suu, the Speaker of the Constituent Assembly, promised to open peace talks at all levels, including the Viet Cong. His motto: "We must de-escalate." Speaking for the heavily favored military ticket, Presidential Candidate General Nguyen Van Thieu made a peace pitch that was understandably more restrained and cautious. He and Vice-Presidential Candidate Nguyen Cao Ky would, vowed Thieu, "solve the war problem by convincing the Communists that they cannot win militarily."

Next week the candidates will begin touring the country in trips carefully arranged by the government to ensure equal exposure in all the regions. Thieu and Ky will spend most of their time in Saigon and let representatives do the traveling for them. Ky, in fact, seemed more concerned about the Buddhists than his rivals. On a goodwill visit to a nearby hospital, Ky asked an elderly woman patient what she thought about Thich Tri Quang, the Machiavellian monk who led the Buddhist agitation against President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963 and nearly toppled Ky's own regime last spring. When the old woman allowed that she had never heard of the fellow, a pleased Ky replied: "That is the best news I've heard all day."

Buddhist Feuds. Tri Quang is less in the public eye these days because South Viet Nam's once united Buddhists are quarreling among themselves. No longer can Tri Quang count on some 1,000,000 Buddhists to vote in accordance with his command; he now has a solid following of only 180,000. Thieu and Ky have helped weaken his position by recognizing an opposition faction as the sole official Buddhist organization. They also refused to allow Tri Quang's favored candidate--former Chief of State Duong Van Minh--to come home from his Thai exile to run for the presidency. And they barred many of Tri Quang's men from running for the Senate.

Tri Quang has warned Thieu and Ky that, in his judgment, their actions have been worse than Diem's. He has even threatened to renew his campaign of "nonviolent opposition"--which in Tri Quang's lexicon means anything from mobs of rock-throwing youths in Saigon streets to a full-scale attempt at a coup d'etat. But Thieu and Ky are confident that they have the dissident monk under control. "My duty," says Ky bluntly, "is to crush all disturbances of whatever origin."

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