A Post of Moral Command

I know that to govern is the most difficult art of all, since it deals with the evasive nature and changeable feelings of men, who yearn to live in peace and reach at least a minimum of happiness.

With these words, Artur da Costa e Silva last week set the tone and style for his term as Brazil's 22nd President. Governing is not only an art in modern Brazil but also a rather exclusive one: both Costa and his predecessor are former army generals whose power rests as much on military support as on constitutional provisions. Yet last week, as he was inaugurated in the capital of Brasilia, Costa showed by word and deed that he will be no carbon copy of outgoing President Humberto Castello Branco.

While Castello Branco is at heart a homebody who prefers to shun the limelight, Costa is an ebullient man about town who loves to put a few cruzeiros on his favorite horse, chat with attractive women and tell amusing stories on himself. Last week, as the two men marched up the aisle of Brasilia's Chamber of Deputies building for the swearing-in, a grim Castello Branco looked straight ahead; Costa, relaxed and enjoying himself, threw genial glances to friends and relatives. After the oath of office, Castello Branco stiffly shook hands with Costa's wife, lolanda; Costa, by contrast, warmly kissed the hand of his predecessor's daughter, then those of Castello's two granddaughters.

Root of Humanism. Far more substantial differences showed up in Costa's new program, which he announced to the country. Castello Branco ran Brazil with graphs, charts and a cold eye for results; Costa hopes to "humanize" the revolution that first put the military into power in 1964. "Social humanism," Costa told Brazilians last week, "will be the most profound root of my government." Gently divorcing himself from the harsh economic and social controls that made Castello Branco un popular, Costa promised more homes, hospitals, schools and "comforts" for the poor, and a broad program of public works to spur national development and investment.

That did not mean that he was abandoning Castello Branco's war against inflation. "But the government," he said, "will do all it can to balance the control of inflation with national development."

Costa called as well for closer government relations with labor unions and students, and a completely independent foreign policy that could bring broader relations with Russia and other Eastbloc countries. As Costa sees it, his new job is "above all a post of moral command."

To execute his command, Costa passed over all of Castello Branco's old ministers and picked a new set of faces and personalities for his Cabinet--some of whom had voiced opposition to Castello Branco. In as Foreign Minister came Banker Jose Magalhaes Pinto, who had called Castello Branco's government reactionary. As his Minister of Planning, Costa picked Economist Helio Beltrao, who feels that Castello Branco's stiff austerity policies should be relaxed.

A Military Man. For all his promises and differences, Costa is not about to undo everything that Castello Branco did. The military, which holds eleven of his 22 Cabinet seats, is still clearly running things in Brazil. Even before his presidency, Costa was first and foremost a military man who, in fact, helped shape the policy of Castello Branco's government. Under Brazil's new constitution, which replaces Castello Branco's virtual rule by decree, Costa himself still retains certain powers of decree, which he would probably not hesitate to use if Congress got in his way. Costa suggested as much last week, when he vowed to uphold the aims of the 1964 revolution. "My methods may be different," he said, "but the objectives are the same."

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