The Making of a President

When he installed Humberto Castello Branco as Brazil's President after the 1964 revolution, War Minister Artur da Costa e Silva, 63, the bluff, hearty head of Brazil's military, said loudly and clearly that he had no desire to be President himself. That was two years ago, however, and General Costa e Silva has since decided that being President is not such a bad idea after all. In fact, he has all but tied up the job as successor to Castello Branco.

Sudden Surprise. Almost since the revolution, Costa e Silva has been content to act as the buffer between two bitterly opposed government factions--the so-called "soft-liners," including Castello Branco, who want to operate within a constitutional framework, and the hard liners who demand more aggressive "revolutionary government." Finally, in a showdown last October, the hard liners forced Castello Branco to abolish Brazil's 13 political parties, pave the way for a government party called ARENA, and order indirect presidential elections this fall by Congress rather than by direct popular elections. Since ARENA controls 284 of Congress' 475 seats, its candidate is certain to be President. Recognizing this, Costa e Silva decided to make a bid for the job, and last December suddenly surprised everyone--including his friend Castello Branco--by announcing his candidacy.

With the elan of a practiced politician, the War Minister then went to work, widening his following within the military, browbeating reluctant politicians and trying to soften up Castello Branco. ARENA is now almost fully behind him, and a recent survey of the military gave him the support of 80% of the country's army officers. Castello Branco finally had no choice but to pronounce Costa e Silva an "acceptable" candidate. All that remains now is his nomination at ARENA'S May 26 convention, his resignation as War Minister by July 3 pn,d fheformal election itself in Congress Oct. 3.

Hard-Nosed. As yet, Costa e Silva has said almost nothing about the direction his government would take, except that "economic-financial policy must have continuity if it is to fulfill its objective." That seems to mean that he will keep on with the hard-nosed austerity program laid down by Economist Roberto Campos. Costa e Silva's government would probably be more "revolutionary"--tougher and less tolerant of political agitation. Possibly as a sign of things to come, seven more Brazilians were deprived of their political rights last week, bringing the total since the revolution to 385.

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