The Listener

The peers' gallery was packed. So were the press gallery, the visitors' gallery, diplomatic and Commonwealth galleries. The floor of the House of Commons was S.R.O.--as it must be, whenever the 630 Members of Parliament want to assemble, since the House still contains only enough seats to comfortably accommodate its 16th century membership of about 450. Everyone had gathered for the debate on Harold Wilson's White Paper proposing a $1.5 billion nationalization of the steel industry (TIME, May 7).

True, the curtain-raising speech by Minister of Power Fred Lee, introducing the motion, was a trifle dull, and the Opposition, led by Iain Macleod, did little more than affirm its determination to denationalize steel if and when it gets into office. But ample suspense was provided by two of Labor's own backbenchers, Right-Wingers Woodrow Wyatt and Desmond Donnelly, who had announced ahead of time that they disagreed with Wilson's plans to nationalize steel, might very well vote against his government and thus endanger his hair-thin majority.

Classic Understatement. In the debate, Donnelly argued that nationalization was hardly relevant in a modern industrial society. Wyatt acidly added that the White Paper would turn steel "into a branch of the civil service. It is written as though the last 13 years [since the Tories denationalized steel] had never happened. It has no new ideas, and instead of helping the industry, will actually hinder it." Besides, he added, "there is no urgency to nationalize steel at this moment" in the country. It was one of those classic British understatements. That morning's Gallup poll showed that only 30% favored nationalization, and Labor's 8% lead with the voters had been replaced by a 2% Tory advantage as a result of the steel proposals.

What Wyatt wanted was government control rather than total takeover of steel. Control, he insisted, could be accomplished by government purchase of only 51% of the companies' stock, saving the government millions for welfare projects. What Wyatt had got, in a series of lobby and telephone consultations over the 24 hours before the debate, was a promise from Economics Minister George Brown that the government would agree to consider the idea of partial ownership.

Big Ben Struck 10. The climax came minutes before the final vote was to be taken at 10 p.m. Brown rose to reaffirm that the government was in favor of government ownership of steel, declaring: "By the way the owners of the industry have been behaving, nothing short of 100% ownership will do." Then, glancing at Wyatt, he added: "If the industry will come to us, and say that they are prepared for the government to assume control, we will listen to what they have to say."

"Listen?" yelled Wyatt. "Do you mean, if industry will come forward to concede complete control on less than 100%, you are prepared to listen? If so, I will vote for White Paper." While Big Ben struck 10, Brown shouted, " 'Listen' is the key word."

Totting Up the Ayes. After that, it was simply a matter of totting up the ayes, who included Wyatt, Donnelly and several sick M.P.s. The whips are by now accustomed to rallying invalids from their beds for crucial votes (Laborite Leslie Spriggs voted from his ambulance in the parliamentary parking lot, but Tory Anthony Marlowe left his ambulance to vote indoors). Labor won by 310 to 306, its basic four-vote margin.*

Harold Wilson's apparent turnabout on the subject of total nationalization, however, struck doctrinaire socialists as anything but fair play. Furious at the concession offered Wyatt, three militant Labor left-wingers, Ian Mikardo, Michael Foot and Tom Driberg, called for an urgent party meeting to "get some clarification" on the real intentions of Harold Wilson.

Legislation Later. Wilson's intentions, as usual, seemed to be to keep the situation murky in order to get on with the business of running the country. He had, after all, introduced the steel proposals primarily as a sop to those same left-wingers, who already have talked ominously of revolt against Wilson's foreign and defense policies. Now he had simply balanced the sop for the left with a bone for the right.

In any event, it seems unlikely that the steel industry will find out whether or not it is to be nationalized in the lifetime of this Parliament. The great debate and the dramatic vote were not on a formal bill at all, merely an "expression of approval" of the White Paper. Though legislation will be introduced in the next few weeks, it is well in the wake of major bills on finance and housing, and can easily get bogged down in committee. Even if it clears the House this year, it will almost inevitably be delayed for another year by the heavily Tory (382 to 80) House of Lords. Long before then--possibly next fall--Wilson is expected to call another election.

* Shaved, the next day, to three after a Conservative victory in a Birmingham by-election.

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