Friday, Apr. 30, 1965

Hard Blow for the Hard Line

Ever since the revolution that toppled Leftist Joao Goulart in March 1964, Brazil has been riven by an ugly power squabble that could drastically affect the future of Brazilian democracy. Taking advantage of the coup that landed a soldier, General Humberto Castello Branco, in the presidential palace, a hardline, right-wing military faction known as the linha dura has been busily purging state and local governments of every official whom they suspect of Communist sympathies or simple malfeasance--in many cases without benefit of judicial procedure. Last week the hard-liners were dealt a hard blow. It came from none other than ex-General Castello Branco, whose regime after twelve months seems confident of success and determined to restore civilian rule.

The linha dura invited its comeuppance. One of its first targets after the revolution was Leftist Miguel Arraes, popular onetime (1959-62) mayor of Recife, who was governor of Pernambuco State at the time of the revolution. Though he had vigorously built schools and roads, cut unemployment and raised literacy, Arraes had the support of Communists and installed several in key government posts. The military accused him of subversion and tossed him into jail. After a few months Arraes became a sort of Brazilian Dreyfus; letters of protest poured in from hundreds of admirers, including Novelists Graham Greene and Franc,ois Mauriac, and Switzerland's Charles Cardinal Journet. Last week the federal supreme court unanimously granted Arraes a writ of habeas corpus--in effect, ordering his release forthwith from Fort Santa Cruz across the bay from Rio. His jailers simply ignored the order, as well as a brusque telegram from the supreme court president directing the generals to "accept the decision just as it was communicated."

At that point, Castello Branco flew into Rio from Brasilia for a hastily summoned conference with top army brass and ordered Arraes released. And that was that. After 386 days in jail, Arraes was freed. To be sure the message was not lost on the linha dura, Castello Branco also fired off orders to all military-inquiry boards to wrap up their business as soon as possible.

In many out-of-the-way towns, military investigations and repression go on, and some 1,500 political prisoners still languish in Brazilian jails. Yet sudden, unexplained arrests are tapering off; the linha dura is quite visibly knuckling under to Castello Branco. "Sure I'm mad as hell," snapped one frustrated colonel last week. "But the Old Man is right. At least Arraes will think twice now before he tries anything else." And so, it seemed clear, would the linha dura.

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