Sticky Wickets

FOREIGN RELATIONS

Washington last week played host to a diplomat with an unhyphenated double-barreled name: the new British Labor government's Foreign Secretary, Patrick Gordon Walker, 57, who came calling for a getting-to-know-you chat with top U.S. officials. Both President Johnson and Secretary of State Dean Rusk were understandably anxious to find out what difference the British electoral turnover might make in Anglo-American relationships. The conclusion, after talks with Gordon Walker: the Labor government intends to demonstrate that it has a strong, independent mind of its own--but it hasn't quite made up its mind about specific policies.

More Time. The ostensible purpose of Gordon Walker's trip was to lay the groundwork for a visit from Prime Minister Harold Wilson in December.

High on Wilson's agenda will be a discussion of North Atlantic Treaty Organization problems and the proposed creation of a multilateral nuclear force (MLF); this one has been fretting both the U.S. and Britain for years, and no one is really satisfied with the U.S.

proposal, outlined in May by Under Secretary of State George Ball, for a fleet of 20 Polaris-armed surface ships manned by mixed allied crews. Britain's Tory government had succeeded in fending off any firm conclusions on the question. Would the Labor government now take a stand? That was a question put to Gordon Walker at a press conference following his talks with Johnson and Rusk.

What, he was asked, was the U.S. reaction to present British proposals for MLF? Replied Gordon Walker evenly: "I don't know what the British proposals for the MLF are." Indeed, all the British seemed to be requesting was more time to develop a position.

Over another sticky wicket, the question of Red China's admission to the United Nations, the U.S. Administration found little cause for comfort. Like the Tories, the Labor government advocates seating the Communist Chinese--but the Laborites are almost certain to be more activist in achieving their aim. The British are also eager to bring Red China into disarmament discussions. Britain, said Gordon Walker, will "consider very favorably" the suggestion by U.N. Secretary General U Thant that the nuclear powers get together with the Chinese Communists for talks on the matter--this despite a U.S. rejection of the idea only a few days before.

Rhodesia? In one area, the U.S. was quick to come to Britain's aid. In Rhodesia, the white minority leadership threatened to declare its independence from Britain, and in so doing destroy London's plans toward establishing African self-government in that troubled country (see THE WORLD). After a warning to the Rhodesian whites from Prime Minister Wilson, the U.S. State Department issued a supporting statement, noting that Wilson's message "makes clear some of the serious consequences that could befall all Rhodesians. The U.S. hopes that the Rhodesian government will continue to discuss with the United Kingdom government ways to achieve a satisfactory solution."

Why should the U.S. be taking a stand on Rhodesia, of all places? The Administration apparently hopes that the new British government will return the favor some day.

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