The Party Future

What does the Republican Party do now? Plainly, it must start picking itself up, which will take time and cause pain. But the pattern that eventually emerges will almost certainly be designed by moderate men of the center. On a personal level, Goldwater's future as a party power seems bleak indeed. In Republican history, only Thomas E. Dewey managed to suffer defeat (in 1944) and remain the dominant man in the party through the next election. But unlike Goldwater, Dewey had a powerful, well-oiled machine. Moreover, Dewey was beaten in 1944 by Franklin Roosevelt, a wartime hero of incomparable stature, and many people felt that Dewey should have another chance. Again, such is not the case with Goldwater. So Complete. In a broader sense, the conservative cause whose championship Goldwater assumed suffered a crippling setback. For a number of years, the conservative and moderate wings of the G.O.P. had taken increasingly divergent paths, with the moderates dominating. Conservatives cried out constantly that if they were but given the chance, the G.O.P. would not only be stronger under their leadership, but would win decisively. This year they got the chance.

Certainly, Barry represented them badly, but the humiliation of their defeat was so complete that they will not have another shot at party domination for some time to come.

Thus, the Republicans who emerge as leaders from the catastrophe of 1964 are veterans of the moderate wing. Some were not up for re-election and were essentially unscarred by the Democratic juggernaut--such as Governors Scranton and Rockefeller and former Vice President Richard Nixon. But of the G.O.P. candidates who breasted the anti-Goldwater tide, the strongest man in sight is Michigan's Governor George Romney, who won re-election in spite of an overwhelming Democratic victory in his state. If Romney wants to make a bid for the 1968 presidential nomination, his credentials will be impressive. His business background as president of American Motors, plus his proven ability to draw solid support from Negro and labor voting blocs, make him a top G.O.P. prospect.

From the Clutches. Of course, the contest between moderates and Goldwaterites for control of the party machinery could well become a brutal fight before it is resolved. The National Committee's leadership, notably Chairman Dean Burch, was hand-picked by Goldwater. The moderates badly need to take over the committee as a power base, will probably pressure Burch to quit soon after the first of the year. Some state organizations, too, must be wrested from the clutches of Goldwater men. And in Congress, symbols of the right wing like House Minority Leader Charles Halleck of Indiana and Minority Whip Les Arends of Illinois may find themselves threatened by young moderates bent on revolt. Whatever the mechanics of change to come, one thing is certain: Barry Goldwater and his type of conservatism have had their moment in the sun.

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