A Sinistra?

"I think governments should behave like good Christians. They should live with the detachment and serenity of those who know that each day which dawns can be their last." So said Italian Premier Amintore Fanfani, 53, as the last days of his government approached. For 17 months, Fanfani's Christian Democrats, who have 273 Deputies, or 26 short of a majority, have governed in parliamentary alliance with the mildly left-of-center Social Democrats (17 seats), the right-of-center Republicans (six seats), and the Liberals (18 seats), who more than any other Italian party are dedicated to free enterprise. Last week Giuseppe Saragat, leader of the Social Democrats, announced that by Jan. 27 he and the Republicans will pull out of the government majority, toppling the Fanfani Cabinet.

Fanfani himself approved. He wanted to collapse his Cabinet in order to rebuild it on a new power base. He expects to continue his alliance with the Social Democrats and Republicans, but wants to get rid of the free-enterprising Liberals. In their place, he wants to work with Pietro Nenni's left-wing Socialists (87 seats), thereby placing Italy within sight of the long-discussed apertura a sinistra (opening to the left). The maneuver may seem hazardous, but Fanfani has his reasons.

Economic Change. Italy is in the midst of a boom unmatched in its history (see BUSINESS). National output is climbing; inflation has been curbed; workers are buying more cars, washing machines, refrigerators. But to many Italians, prosperity has come to seem normal; they see no reason why the Christian Democratic Party should take any credit for it. Elections 13 years ago gave the party and its center allies 60% of the popular vote, compared with the 51% they would get today.

Amid prosperity, stubborn areas of economic depression continue, and Fanfani believes that more state action is necessary to erase them. His plans, opposed by the Liberal Party but warmly supported by Nenni's Socialists, call for heavy government investment in the poverty-stricken south, stepped-up construction of schools, roads, railways.

Another factor in Fanfani's political strategy is the Roman Catholic Church, which has notably relaxed its opposition to the Italian left. Under the late Pope Pius XII, who threatened excommunication for Communist voters, bishops often took a direct hand in local politics, brought pressure not only against the Communist but against all left-wing parties. In contrast, Pope John believes that since Italy has survived its postwar crisis, there should be less political activity by the clergy. Recently, when one Christian Democrat threatened to form a right-wing Catholic party in opposition to Fanfani, the church disapproved.

Political Change. Under Fanfani's plan, Nenni's Socialists would get no Cabinet seats. They would support the government in Parliament by backing measures they find agreeable, abstain on others. In the case of many needed reforms, cooperation would not be difficult, but conflict will almost certainly come over such issues as Nenni's demands for nationalization of the power industry, his neutralism in foreign policy.

One case for cautious hope: signs that Nenni would like to break out of his longstanding and smothering alliance with the Communists. He bitterly condemned Khrushchev when Russia resumed atomic testing, has criticized Moscow's absolutist methods, which he describes as a "policy of the Last Judgment." Thus, while Italy faces an opening to the left, for Nenni and his Socialists it may become an opening to the right.

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