The Builders

In Bonn last week, West Germany's Chancellor Konrad Adenauer got an urgent message: Charles de Gaulle would like to see him at once. Adenauer objected that he had planned to visit De Gaulle no sooner than September, but De Gaulle insisted. Not even knowing what De Gaulle wanted to talk about, Adenauer grudgingly flew to Paris, paying his fifth visit to De Gaulle since the general came to power in the spring of 1958.

The two men closeted themselves for two days in the elegant presidential chateau at Rambouillet 30 miles outside Paris. Security was so tight that a small crowd was chased away from the fence, and not even the menus for the meals were published. Once Adenauer slipped out for an hour's visit to the great Gothic cathedral at Chartres. For the rest of the time the two men talked and walked, engaged in earnest conversation with barely a handful of officials present.

These two men of towering stature, chiefs of states that have been ancient enemies, were constructing a new and united Europe. The communique was noncommittal, but spokesmen of both sides talked like men who could barely suppress their excitement. The French spokesman talked of decisions on "the new political construction of Europe," revealed that among the decisions was a plan for regular meetings of the heads of government of all six Common Market countries to formulate a common foreign policy, consult on other integrated programs.

Theme of the meeting was De Gaulle's vision of "an imposing confederation" of European states. There was some difference of emphasis. De Gaulle frankly hopes to establish a European community that could speak to the U.S. and Great Britain on equal terms. Adenauer recognizes that a purely European force can never amount to anything without U.S. support, wants no suggestion that any new European community would in any sense challenge or set itself at odds with the U.S. In Adenauer's eyes, the support of the U.S. is more important than any question of European prestige.

Adenauer was also anxious to reassure Britain that nothing was being done in Paris behind her back. Before he left for Paris, he invited Macmillan to come to Bonn on a state visit within ten days. Macmillan gladly accepted.

All three Western leaders have another consideration in mind. They worry that Nikita Khrushchev may have concluded that between now and November U.S. policy will be paralyzed and he would have a good opportunity to create a new crisis over Berlin. The meetings of Europe's Big Three were deliberately calculated to indicate to Khrushchev that there is no vacuum in Western policy despite U.S. elections, that the West is keeping a vigilant eye on Berlin and the West's concerns.

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