Banner with a Strange Device

During his hour-and-a-quarter breakfast with President Eisenhower last week, New York's Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller was like a well-behaved nephew who gave no hint that he was planning to explode a firecracker right in his uncle's lap. Rockefeller chatted amiably about the future of the Republican Party and the importance of "issues" in the coming campaign. Recalled the President later with a twinkle: "Nelson said I'd been a pretty good President. He didn't have much to quarrel about except the defense budget."

That afternoon at a Manhattan press conference Rocky tossed his firecracker.

Plain Talk. "We have come to a time that calls for plain talk," he said, reading off a 2,700-word statement aimed directly at Vice President Nixon and indirectly at the whole Eisenhower Administration. "I am deeply convinced, and deeply concerned, that those now assuming control of the Republican Party have failed to make clear where this party is heading and where it proposes to lead the nation. I find it unreasonable--in these times--that the leading Republican candidate for the presidential nomination has firmly insisted upon making known his program and his policies not before, but only after nomination by his party." The nation and the party, he said, cannot proceed "to meet the future with a banner aloft whose only emblem is a question mark."

To show the nation and the party that his own emblem is not a question mark, Rockefeller read off a ten-point program of which the three main points called for: <][

P: A $3 billion increase in the defense budget, plus a $500 million civil defense program, "to meet the physical danger in which America lives." U.S long-range missiles are "inferior in number" to the Russians', U.S. bomber bases are "defenseless," limited-war forces are "inadequate in strength and mobility.

P: An economic growth rate of 5% or 6% a year (average growth rate of the U.S. economy over the past half-century: 3% a year), tax reform "to encourage investment," elimination of featherbedding "by labor or management."

P: A Democratic-style program of federal medical aid to the aged instead of the "unsound" Republican Administration plan, a voluntary program that relies on state administration.

Soft Answer. In some of the early versions of his statement, Rockefeller had assumed a poor Nixon showing in the California primary, but this was edited out (Nixon's California vote topped that of Democratic Governor Pat Brown). But Rocky's big bang still shocked some G.O.P. elders. Republican National Chairman Thruston B. Morton called his manifesto an "attack on the record of the Administration," acidly predicted that Democratic campaigners would quote it "liberally." Arizona's Senator Barry Goldwater rapped Rockefeller as a "rich man's Harold Stassen."

Nixon moved in fast to quiet the Republican howling ("Remember November") by setting a soft-answer tone in his own reply to Rockefeller. Since Rockefeller disagrees with some Administration policies, said Nixon at a tense and crowded press conference in Camden, N.J., it is right for him to voice his disagreement publicly. Then he proceeded to kill Rocky with open kindness and veiled sarcasm.

If Rockefeller remained silent, said Nixon, he "would not be being true to himself, and I think would not serve either the party or the country." Blandly, Nixon added: "I think I can assure him that his oft-expressed desire that he not be drafted as a candidate for Vice President will be respected--certainly by me." As for his own views on national issues, Nixon went on, he has set them forth in detail. He would be "very willing and happy" to meet with Rockefeller on TV for a "discussion in depth, in which he can ask any questions on any issues."

Taken aback. Rockefeller ran away from this suggestion. "I have stated my positions on the questions I have posed," he said. "I invite the Vice President to state his. To do this, he does not need me to interrogate him on television."

To make clear its unwavering support for Nixon, the Republican National Committee wound up a three-day strategy meeting in Washington by unanimously adopting a resolution praising Eisenhower and Nixon jointly for "their conduct of the people's affairs during the past 7 1/2 years." It was a resounding whoop of support for Richard Nixon.

Bagful of Answers. What was the boy up to? Pundits and politicians pondered, came up with a collective bagful of answers. Among them: Rocky is an earnest and patriotic man who feels compelled to provoke debate on the nation's growing problems. This was the explanation of Rockefeller himself and his advisers.

Rockefeller still cherishes a hope of wresting the Republican nomination away from Nixon in 1960. He has announced that he would accept a draft, considered for awhile last week a proposal to an nounce his open candidacy.

With an eye on 1964, Rockefeller wants Nixon defeated in 1960. Rocky has prom ised to support the convention's nominee, but the Nixon forces have all but written off pivotal New York to the Democrats.

Rockefeller is harboring thoughts of a third-party bolt in the style of Theodore Roosevelt's 1912 Bull Moose revolt. Right-leaning Columnist David Lawrence and left-leaning Columnist Murray Kempton, who rarely agree on anything, both detected a scent of Bull Moose in the air, pointed out that no Republican presidential hopeful has openly attacked a Republican Administration since T.R. blasted William Howard Taft in 1912.

Melted Ice. At week's end. Rockefeller's icy tone toward Nixon melted into proper smiles when the two men met at the opening of the British Exhibition in Manhattan's Coliseum and exchanged what may have been the most insincere greetings of the week. "Hiya, fella," said Rocky. "Nice to see you again!"

"It's good to see you, Nelson," said Nixon.

At a meeting of the Republican National Committee next day, Nixon called upon Republicans to discuss national issues, but to "disagree on them without being disagreeable." The Republican Party "will win if we're united,'' he said. "We'll lose if we are divided." The committeemen and state chairmen gave him a standing ovation. At that point it seemed that Nelson Rockefeller's firecracker, having made everybody jump, had left not a tremor behind.

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