The Myopic Forward Look

Almost every politician in Washington last week qualified, in a strictly myopic sense, as "forward-looking." All eyes were fixed on the coming presidential campaign, to the neglect of a pile of pressing U.S. problems. In Congress, with two-thirds of the session already frittered away, Republicans and Democrats scarcely pretended to legislate, turned earnestly instead to making issues and polishing images for election-year politicking. After thrusting forward its hastily contrived, budget-busting alternative to the Democrats' plan for medical care of the aged, the Administration saw its compassion for ailing oldsters overshadowed by the Democratic Congress' sympathy for sick cities and counties.

In a pair of tart messages, President Eisenhower prodded Congress to pass intact his $4.2 billion foreign-aid request (a House-Senate conference committee authorized a $4.1 billion ceiling; still ahead was the appropriation wrangle), to heed a string of top-priority problems ranging from the Treasury interest ceiling to the appalling farm mess. "We still have a great deal to get done for America," said he. But Democratic congressional leaders, forewarned fortnight ago of Ike's determination to veto big-spending bills, went right ahead setting up fat targets.

Raid on Aid. None was fatter than the $251 million depressed-areas bill locked up in the House Rules Committee for more than a year. With a magic appeal to both urban and farm areas, the Democratic bill provides for loans and grants to areas of chronic unemployment (so broadly defined, say Republicans, that New York City could qualify), to be dispensed by a U.S. Area Redevelopment Administration. Two revolving funds of $75 million each would furnish loans to spur industry in urban and rural areas; $50 million in loans would be available for construction of public facilities; direct grants (gifts) of $35 million would support a miniature WPA building program; $14.5 million is earmarked for technical assistance to communities and retraining of workers whose jobs have disappeared. (In contrast, the Administration bill would lend $50 million, grant $3,000,000 to revive distressed areas.)

Under a rarely invoked "calendar Wednesday" rule, the Democratic bill was rushed to the floor by Massachusetts' John McCormack, House Democratic leader, was pushed to passage in the necessary single legislative day despite eleven roll calls demanded by Southerners and Republicans trying to delay action. The bill passed, 201 to 184--a comfortable margin but far short of the two-thirds majority (of those present and voting) that would be needed to override Ike's certain veto.

When the depressed-areas bill got to the Senate, Democrats invoked the sure-fire election-year argument of aid to the needy at home v. handouts abroad. Presidential Candidate Lyndon Johnson, the bipartisan good shepherd of mutual-security requests over the years, spoke sharply of the Administration's "double standard" in aid giving. Illinois' white-haired Paul Douglas, up for election and therefore sounding oddly like the influential Chicago Tribune, hefted a book of aid-appropriation requests weighing 6 lbs., called for charity at home to match the "billions upon billions of dollars" sent overseas. Candidates Jack Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey dashed to Washington from hard-pressed West Virginia, added their votes to the 45 to 32 majority by which the depressed-areas bill passed the Senate.

Unreason Season. The farm problem promised to provide a veto target as big as a barn door. In February the President gave up trying to draft a bill to bring some order into the ever-growing mess of farm subsidies and surpluses, challenged the Democratic Congress to pass a reasonable bill on its own. The Democrats reasoned that it would be better to pass no bill and let Agriculture Secretary Ezra Taft Benson harvest some more blame for farm discontent. But word has drifted back from the farm belt that Democrats may well be blamed if they do not pass a bill. Probable next move: drafting of a farm bill as unreasonable--by Ike's terms--as possible, to ensure an Eisenhower veto and Democratic credit for a big try.

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