Rocky & the Issues

On a brisk raid into fresh Nixon territory last week, New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller whirled through seven states in seven days. Purpose of the expedition to Indiana, Missouri, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Oklahoma, Texas and Florida: to test the political climate in the heartland before deciding early next month whether to make the race against Vice President Richard Nixon for the Republican presidential nomination. General finding: predictable coolness from the professionals, enough spontaneous warmth from amateurs and scattered Nixon dissidents to convince an energetic, personable Nelson Rockefeller that he might have a chance in the primaries if the voters could know him better.

But the important news about the Rockefeller campaign, as the could-be candidate moved from private conference to pressagent ceremonial to public speech, is that he is hammering together perhaps the most complete individual platform of any candidate in sight. One reason: Rockefeller's big advantage over Nixon is that, standing outside the Eisenhower Administration and the Federal Government, he can speak out more freely on national issues than Insider Nixon can. Fundamental in Rockefeller's strategy is a decision to push that advantage hard. Rockefeller on the issues:

Foreign Policy: Columnist Joseph Alsop wrote fortnight ago that Rockefeller "regards the Eisenhower foreign policy as sadly unimaginative and the Eisenhower defense program as grossly inadequate." Viewing Eisenhower policies as "almost Chamberlain-like," Alsop went on, Rockefeller is undertaking to "stake out a neo-Churchillian position."

In his major foreign-policy speech in Milwaukee last week, Rockefeller did not sound so much like Winston Churchill as like a man looking for a fresh image. But he did make it clear, without putting forward any concrete proposals of his own, that he is dissatisfied with the U.S.'s foreign-policy performance during the Eisenhower years. "We have seemed too often to lack coherent and continuing purpose. Rather, we have relied on sporadic responses to sudden needs and crises . . . Perhaps we have been dreaming that words could be substituted for deeds, problems be patched up with slogans, abstract proclamations take the place of concrete and creative policies. We cannot continue thus."

Nuclear Tests: In his sharpest specific foreign-policy departure from the Administration so far, Rockefeller has urged that the U.S. resume nuclear-weapons tests (banned by the Administration in October 1958, with the ban probably to be extended beyond the Dec. 31 deadline). The U.S. should continue tests, says Rockefeller, until it works out a test-ban agreement with the Soviet Union that carries a dependable detection system.

Recognition of Red China: He is against recognition at present, but thinks that a new look at China policy may be needed later on. "As one looks to the future, Red China is emerging as a force of tremendous proportions, and must be taken into account by the free world."

Latin America (a Rockefeller specialty) : In Dallas, he came out for a broad new Latin America program, including "economic union," stepped-up cultural exchange, and "imaginative" measures to deal with Latin America's lag in education and health.

Farm Policy: In Minneapolis, Rockefeller became the first presidential hopeful in either party to take firm hold of the sharp-thorned fact that in the U.S. today too many people are trying to make a living as farmers. To help low-income farm families escape into other livelihoods, and at the same time to ease the problems of surpluses. Rockefeller proposed a long-term "land-use program" similar to what the Committee for Economic Development advocated two years ago (TIME, Dec. 23, 1957). Under this program, the Federal Government would rent entire farms for long periods, take the land out of crop production and put it to "such uses as reforestation and conservation." As a "start," Rockefeller urged retirement of some 30 million acres in addition to the 20-odd million acres already in the soil bank's conservation reserve. To supplement the land-use program, Rockefeller proposed a rural "job-opportunity program" to help low-income farmers make the switch to nonfarm jobs.

To replace the present system of price supports, Rocky advocated what he called "stabilization supports," based on production costs and farmers' net income, rather than the prevailing parity concept of equalized purchasing power. But his explanation of what he meant was hazy. Two Midwestern farm experts who read the speech came to opposite conclusions. One said that Rockefeller had "turned his back on Benson." The other called Rockefeller "Benson in sheep's clothing."

School Segregation: The Supreme Court's 1954 decision against segregation was an "affirmation and clarification of the essential liberties and the abiding principles by which America must live."

Economic Growth: The U.S. should strive to attain an economic growth rate of 6% a year instead of the past decade's average of 3% a year. So far, Rockefeller has not explained just how that 6% goal might be reached.

Strikes: The President should have power to impose compulsory arbitration on the two sides when a strike threatens the nation's welfare. (Present law makes no provision for compulsory arbitration, and the Administration has never recommended it.)

Federal Aid to Education: He favors aid for school construction and scholarship programs "where there is proven need."

Oil Depletion Allowance: It should be retained as an encouragement to investment. But, said Rocky with a smile last week, "I might be considered a prejudiced witness."

Conflict of Interest: He would, if elected President, get rid of "any securities that would involve a conflict of interest." But the whole question of conflict of interest in Government jobs cannot be solved by a simple selling of securities, and should be reviewed. "The only place that these conflicts really take place is inside. It's one's integrity that cuts you off from any other responsibilities other than to serve the people."

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