From the Royal Box

At 3:45 p.m. the 21 ministers of France's Fifth Republic seated themselves in gilt armchairs in scrupulous order of rank in the half-darkened Salle des Fetes of Paris' Elysee Palace. As they did so, lights flooded the pink brocade curtains at the entrance to the onetime royal box that overlooks the room. Precisely at the stroke of four, white-gloved hands parted the curtains, and Charles de Gaulle, blinking against the lights, appeared in the box to open his second press conference since he became President of France eleven months ago.

To the 780 assembled newsmen De Gaulle began with a 15-minute "preliminary statement," made without notes, that turned out to be almost word for word like a mimeographed summary handed to the newsmen as they came in. In the constitution of De Gaulle's Fifth Republic, the general had seen to it that as President his would be the right to define France's foreign policy, and his monarchic-type "press conference"--more an audience with an articulate and intellectual head of state--was his chosen forum for doing so. He had a great deal of news to make.

Russians. "After many years of international tension," began De Gaulle, "some signs of an easing of the situation are visible on the part of the Soviet world." Most important cause of the new Russian attitude, suggested De Gaulle, is the personality of Nikita Khrushchev, "discerning as he does that at the supreme level of responsibility," peace "is the supreme realism." But along with this tribute to his future guest, De Gaulle coolly offered the opinion that Russia had good cause to be conciliatory toward the West, since, internationally, the Soviets are leading from several weaknesses. There are the natural aspirations of the Russian people, after 42 years of Communist rule, for a better life and freedom; there is Soviet awareness that, while by force and through intermediaries, "it may reign over Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, Yugoslavia, Prussia and Saxony, it has not won them over."

Then De Gaulle, his manner calm and impersonal, moved on to more delicate ground: "No doubt Soviet Russia, in spite of having aided Communism to take root in China, recognizes that nothing can change the fact that Russia is a white European nation . . . face to face with the yellow masses of China, numberless and impoverished, indestructible and ambitious--a people that is building through trial and hardship a power that cannot be measured and that is already eying the open spaces over which it must one day spread."

So if Russia and everybody else wants a summit, "France is in favor. But precisely because it hopes that the proposed meeting will result in something positive, it believes it necessary not to rush into talks that might be superficial."

Further, he wanted: 1) continuing Soviet proofs of good international intentions; 2) previous agreement among the Western powers "on the questions to be dealt with and the common position they will take on each item"; 3) "personal contact between Mr. Khrushchev and myself." Happily, added the general, Khrushchev has agreed to visit Paris in March. So after that, say in May, a summit meeting would be in order.

Allies. Having stepped with intended exactitude on Moscow's toes, the general proceeded impartially to tread on the feet of his allies, "the Anglo-Saxons." So long as they and the Russians have nuclear bombs, he said, France is determined to have hers too--and to test as well. His reasoning:

"Who can say whether in the future, the political background having changed completely--which is something that has happened before on earth--the two powers possessing the nuclear monopoly will not agree to divide the world? Or who can say that if the occasion arises, the two rivals, while each deciding not to launch its weapons at the main enemy so that it should itself be spared, will not crush others? It is possible to imagine that on some awful day Western Europe might be wiped out from Moscow, and Central Europe from Washington . . . In truth, France, in equipping herself with nuclear weapons, will render a service to world equilibrium."

Algerians. Inevitably there came a question from the floor about Algeria. De Gaulle was ready, reciting from memory 46 statistics about Algeria (12,000 housing starts in 1954, 31,000 this year, 55,000 planned for 1960, and so on through power consumption, school population, battle casualties, all illustrating an Algeria doing better even while at war). It was an impressive performance. Then, for all in Algeria who fear a negotiated peace, De Gaulle had counsel:

To the Algerian rebels, he promised that if they accepted his offer to lay down their arms, they would be free, "wherever they come from and whatever their platforms," to take part in his offer of Algerian self-determination, and he promised that cease-fire terms would be honorable, "and would pay proper tribute to courage shown under arms." To still rebel fears that to parley would be to weaken the fighting spirit, De Gaulle was willing that negotiations be secret. With this, he indicated, France has "emptied the sack"--has made its final offer.

To Algeria's French-settler minority, De Gaulle said: "You, the French of Algeria, you who have done so much for generations--if a page has been turned by the great wind of history, well, then, it is for you to write another. A truce to empty regrets, empty bitterness, empty anguish. Take the future as it comes and take it united as never before. You are the yeast in a cake. More than ever Algeria needs you, more than ever France needs you in Algeria."

At the end of an hour and four minutes of expert soliloquy, De Gaulle decided that "we have covered the most important points of current interest," and disappeared behind the pink curtain.

As usual, De Gaulle's performance left his foes off balance.

In Algiers 500 young French rightist students, shouting, "De Gaulle to the gallows," tried for three hours to stir up a citywide demonstration against the general--but failed and were dispersed.

In Tunis, in the comfortable villa of "Premier" Ferhat Abbas, the Cabinet of Algeria's rebel F.L.N. uneasily weighed its course, conceded that its fears of negotiation had been largely allayed. The question no longer seemed whether but when to negotiate. Likely guess: in January, after the U.N. debates Algeria.

In another villa, a few hundred yards away, Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, the rebels' host and longtime ally, declared: "One must have faith. I believe De Gaulle has gone as far as he can go ... The F.L.N. would be displaying courage if it accepted his offer."

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