An Old Man's Impulse

WEST GERMANY An Old Man's Impulse

In the decade since he became Chancellor of West Germany, oaken-faced Konrad Adenauer has acquired in the minds of his countrymen the stature of a stern father--awe-inspiring, sometimes overrigid, the living symbol of righteous and unshakable purpose. But, though the public has seldom seen it, there is an obverse side to Adenauer's character: a nagging, emotional mistrustfulness that can convert him in the blink of an eye to a man of angry impulse. Last week Konrad Adenauer, 83, gave full rein to his impulsiveness and by doing so flawed an unsurpassed international reputation for rock-like consistency.

Two months ago, in a decision that seemed to mark the end of a noble political era, Adenauer abruptly announced that he would give up the powerful chancellorship and retreat into the semi-retirement of West Germany's presidency. He hoped still to help influence his country's destiny, while allowing a younger man to assume the day-to-day administration of the country. Der Alte, first and only leader of the new West German democracy that rose on the ruins of Naziism, would thus ensure an orderly first transfer of power. Instead, abruptly last week, Adenauer canceled these admirable arrangements, and proclaimed his determination to stay on as chancellor.

The Foretaste. Behind this startling about-face stretched a recent history of unaccustomed vacillation. Fearful that popular Socialist Carlo Schmid might win the presidential elections scheduled for July 1, Christian Democrat Adenauer three months ago tried to press his own party's presidential nomination on pudgy, cigar-chomping Economics Minister Ludwig Erhard, the "engineer of the German economic miracle." When Erhard, with the support of Christian Democratic backbenchers, refused to let himself be kicked upstairs, it marked the first successful defiance of Adenauer in his own party.

Smarting under this rebuff, Adenauer proclaimed his intention to run for the presidency himself, and all Germany applauded his solution. Adenauer thought that the ceremonial job might be converted into a post as prestigious as that occupied in France by his friend Charles de Gaulle, but after prolonged study of the West German constitution his lawyers said no. All the while, inside the Christian Democratic Party, a bitter fight was developing over who should succeed Adenauer as chancellor. The old man himself favored Finance Minister Franz Etzel, a quiet corporation lawyer who could be counted upon to accept tutelage. But the majority of Christian Democratic leaders clearly preferred--and intended to get--independent-minded Ludwig Erhard whose voter appeal is almost equal to that of Adenauer himself.

The Promise. Early last week, on the eve of Erhard's departure for the U.S., Adenauer assured him that no decision on the chancellorship would be taken in his absence. Same day, Adenauer once again promised the Christian Democratic Executive Committee that he would run in the presidential election "unless new developments force me to reconsider." Less than 48 hours later Adenauer discovered some "new developments." What were they? The Geneva talks--which to the naked eye had not changed a bit. Wrote Adenauer to top Christian Democratic brass: "If the Geneva conference does produce some success, we will have to reckon with a long series of additional international meetings and this will demand on our behalf extreme watchfulness. If Geneva ends in stalemate, the ensuing situation will be even more difficult and dangerous. In view of these considerations, I cannot assume the responsibility of abandoning my post in such a critical phase." Friends added that with the death of John Foster Dulles, Adenauer had come to consider himself indispensable in resisting fatal Western concessions to the Russians.

As the news of Adenauer's change of mind raced through the Bundestag, Christian Democrats met behind closed doors, in anger and confusion. Summoned to explain himself, Adenauer faced the party's 270-man parliamentary delegation and unconsciously revealed part of his hand by suddenly launching into a diatribe against Erhard. Said Adenauer: "Herr Erhard . . . does not have sufficient experience in foreign policy matters. If you give a man a few brushes, a pot of paint and an easel, this does not make him an artist."

Deputy after Deputy pleaded with Adenauer to reconsider. Eugen Gerstenmaier, president of the Bundestag, said bluntly: "Herr Chancellor, none of your arguments sound convincing." Rasped Adenauer: "If you don't like my decision, you are free to elect another Chancellor."

Up for Pope. In the end, without a recorded vote, the Deputies swallowed their distaste and lamely pledged "complete confidence" in Adenauer, though complaining privately that they had been treated like "lackeys." The damage was not that easily ended: Adenauer had proved his power but at the expense of his prestige. Overnight, throughout West Germany, Adenauer's popularity fell. Many accused him of downgrading both the presidency and the chancellorship by his autocratic actions. "Disgraceful," cried Berlin's Socialist Mayor Willy Brandt. Even his chosen heir. Finance Minister Etzel, informed that Adenauer was now thinking of asking him to run for President, irately snapped: "Next thing you know, Adenauer is going to nominate me for Pope."

Whether discontent flares into open rebellion depends largely on Ludwig Erhard --who got the astonishing news in Washington, just before calling on President Eisenhower. He was plainly distressed, but managed a smile for photographers and an equivocal comment: "I have never laid claim to the chancellorship so long as Dr. Adenauer was Chancellor." Privately he fired off a cable warning der Alte that unless he changed his mind again and accepted the presidency there might be grave trouble ahead. In Bonn, some of Erhard's supporters were already arguing that if he ever wants to be Chancellor he must resign from Adenauer's Cabinet. Otherwise, their reasoning ran, the German voter, who is a great respecter of authority, would conclude that Erhard, by letting Adenauer have his way, had demonstrated insufficient force of character to run the country.

"German Chancellors," sniped the Times of London, "are cast in a posture that elsewhere could be mistaken for arrogance." If this tart remark could be dismissed as evidence of anti-German British sentiments (returning Adenauer's mistrust of Britain), there were German papers whose anger went just as deep. Said Duesseldorf's independent Der Mittag:

"There are now only two alternatives. Either Adenauer is the unlimited master in the Christian Democratic Party and democracy becomes a farce or the party must vote no confidence so that he is neither President nor Chancellor. All other solutions are compromising and endanger the Federal Republic."

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