The Texas-Missouri Compact

On the night of May 5, with Democrats across the country preparing to gather in observation of ex-President Harry S. Truman's 75th birthday, a dozen national figures met for a pre-birthday dinner in the home of Oklahoma's Senator Mike Monroney on Washington's 32nd Street. It was an amiable, comfortable evening, with little serious political shop talk. But as it neared an end, one Democratic patriarch turned to the patriarchal guest of honor. Said House Speaker Sam Rayburn, 77, to Harry Truman: "Let me drop you downtown." From that offer came a political compact, soon whispered among Democratic professionals, that, with a wild scramble for the Democratic presidential nomination in prospect for next year, could become one of the most important political developments of 1959.

Small talk had no place in the back seat of Mr. Sam's chauffeured Cadillac, heading slowly toward the Mayflower Hotel, where Truman was staying. By the time the two old friends separated that night, they had agreed to use their party power and prestige to promote either Missouri's Senator Stuart Symington or Texas' Lyndon Johnson, majority leader of the U.S. Senate.

Three Down. In their talk, Truman and Rayburn ran down the list of top Democratic potentials. They agreed that, besides Symington and Johnson, there were only three serious challengers. And they agreed on the reasons for eliminating the three:

MASSACHUSETTS' Senator Jack Kennedy, front runner in all the polls, is (in the Truman-Rayburn view) too young (42), with the massive additional handicap of being a Roman Catholic. But Truman and Rayburn agreed that Kennedy is a top prospect for second spot on any ticket.

MINNESOTA'S Senator Hubert Humphrey is anathema to the conservative South, has been unable to create an image of himself as a real presidential possibility, is probably just in the race for the ebullient hell of it.

ILLINOIS' Adlai Stevenson has tried twice and lost--hugely--twice. His is an old face of defeat--and what is more, neither Truman nor Rayburn has much personal use for him.

Two to Go. Truman listed Fellow Missourian Stu Symington as his first choice, Johnson as his second. Rayburn was naturally partial to Fellow Texan Johnson, but placed Symington a palatable second.

Truman, once privately critical of Lyndon Johnson, has responded to years of Johnson flattery ("No man will rank higher in history than Harry Truman"). Symingtoru is not one of Rayburn's House graduates, but he has made up for that by sedulously seeking Mr. Sam's political advice.

Harry Truman vowed not to repeat his 1956 tactical error, when he waited until the nominating convention itself to go all out for New York's Averell Harriman, was too late to get more than two dozen votes (out of 1,372) off the Stevenson bandwagon. For his part, Rayburn was prepared to work in the open long before convention time. But his critical role will come if, as expected, he mounts the podium at Los Angeles in July 1960 to become, for the fourth time running, permanent convention chairman. Master of floor strategy and impervious to shouts of delegates he does not care to recognize, Sam Rayburn will be in a position to gavel down surprise opposition moves, help steer the convention toward his candidate.

In terms of raw, do-it-or-else power, the impact of the Texas-Missouri compact may be close to zero. But in a skintight convention, the Truman-Rayburn party prestige and know-how just might make the difference.

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